General

What happened to Palestine’s youth-led struggle?

by Mersiha Gadzo, Al Jazeera, 11 Feb
2018

Decades
after the First Intifada, today’s demonstrations against Israel’s occupation
fail to achieve united resistance.

 
About 40
percent of Palestine’s male population has been imprisoned by Israel since 1967
[File: Adel Hana/AP]

Ramallah,
occupied West Bank – What first began as a local protest in Gaza’s Jabalia
refugee camp in December 1987 spontaneously spread to the West Bank
and quickly grew into a massive uprising.
It was
the beginning of the six-year-long First Intifada.
After two
decades of illegal Israeli occupation in the Gaza Strip and West Bank,
Palestinians of all generations and political parties worked together in
astounding unity as one force, demanding Palestine’s liberation.
With
their non-violent tactics, such as protests, general strikes, and a boycott of
Israeli products, the First Intifada became a model for grassroots resistance.
“We
were expecting that this intifada would bring a state for us Palestinians. [The
movement] was that strong. It’s not like these days,” said Naila Ayyash,
who was in her mid-20s when the intifada broke out.
“At
that time, political parties were very strong, especially the women’s movement
inside the parties.”
According
to Rula Salameh, who was a freshman at Ramallah’s Birzeit University when the
intifada began, there wasn’t a single student who hadn’t joined a political
party on campus. All students spent their time and energy helping their
community and working towards the collective mission of liberating Palestine
from Israeli occupation.
Salameh
recalled sleeping in tents for three nights in a village near Tulkarm with 150
university students; the student council arranged the trip so they could help a
Palestinian family collect olives on their land.
Since an
Israeli military area and a settlement were located near their land, soldiers
would typically prevent the family from reaching their lands during olive
harvest season, Salameh explained.
“This
was the first time that [the family] managed to collect all the olives without
being attacked by soldiers,” Salameh said.
“Compared
with the situation today, it’s totally different. Voluntary work was really a
part of our life, part of what we were educated to do. Everyone felt that they
were doing something positive for their community. We weren’t wasting our
energy.”
While the
student movement served as an engine that helped propel the First Intifada,
today’s youth face drastically different dynamics.

 
Rula
Salameh [Mersiha Gadzo/Al Jazeera]
New
obstacles
Following
US President Donald Trump‘s
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital
in early December, both Fatah
and Hamas called for a new intifada, but only some 3,000 protesters showed up,
compared with tens of thousands of Palestinians on the streets during the First
Intifada.
Omar
Kiswani, president of the student council at Birzeit University, told Al
Jazeera the Palestinian Authority (PA) is the biggest obstacle for politically
active youth today; students are regularly arrested and imprisoned for their
political affiliations on campus.
The PA,
formed under the 1993 Oslo
accords 
that officially ended the intifada, has long been
criticised as an obstacle to Palestinian resistance because of its security
collaboration, as a quisling authority, with Israel.
Kiswani
was arrested as he prepared his candidacy in student elections. He spent a year
in Israeli prisons for his participation in a Hamas-affiliated
group on campus.
“They
say that our work is illegal,” Kiswani said. “We get arrested
regularly. Students from all parties get arrested, but Hamas students are
arrested more. We’re getting used to it.”
In the
past year, two presidents of the student union were arrested, as well as other
members, said Kiswani.
PA-Israeli
collaboration
Birzeit
student Yahya Rabee, 21, was arrested at 2am by PA forces who raided his home.
They detained him for three days before handing him over to Israeli forces. He
was imprisoned in Israel for eight months, enduring physical abuse.
In his
jail cell, he found seven friends from Birzeit also imprisoned for being part
of the Hamas-affiliated group. All the young members of his family have been
imprisoned for the same reason.
According
to Birzeit’s Right to Education campaign, since Trump’s
Jerusalem declaration
, there has been an increase in student
arrests. Currently, there are more than 60 Birzeit students imprisoned in
Israeli jails, detentions that are illegal under international law.
Since
2004, more than 800 Birzeit students have been arrested. Some have been
sentenced to more than one life sentence.
“Israel
tries to destroy [the youth] by arresting them, imprisoning them and by
attacking, especially, the student council,” said Sondos Hamad,
coordinator of the Right to Education campaign.
“The
Israeli occupation feels threatened by student leaders, by members of the
student council, by those who are our hope to change the status quo.”
About 40
percent of Palestine’s male population has been imprisoned by Israel since
1967.
Any
Palestinian who has shown strong potential as a leader has either been
imprisoned or assassinated.
“We
believe and hope that every Palestinian in prison will be freed,” Rabee
said. “They’re the ones who are able to lead Palestinians, not the PA.
Some of them are doctors, professors; they have [the capacity] to lead.”
Rabee and
Ayyash both pointed out the Palestinians’ financial dependency on the PA as a
factor for some to avoid civil disobedience.
“Some
people just care about their money and how they live. They’re afraid of the PA
and of being imprisoned,” Rabee said.
The
Palestinian Authority employs about 30 percent of
the workforce in the occupied territories. An end to the PA could impoverish
about one million Palestinians.
Birzeit
University students Yahya Alawi, 20 (L) and Yahya Rabee, 21 (R) both spent
time in prison for their participation in a Hamas-affiliated group on campus
[Mersiha Gadzo/Al Jazeera]
Division
and isolation
For
Ayyash, the Oslo Accords were extremely detrimental for the Palestinian cause.
“After
Oslo, everything changed,” Ayyash said. “It brought us disconnected
cities, settlements are more than before, the wall is everywhere

“After
Oslo, hope continued, but many points in Oslo weren’t in our interest, especially
when they divided the land into Areas A, B and C. This is very bad. This is
Palestinian land. Why divide it like this?”
Division
and isolation is what Palestinians living in the besieged Gaza Strip have been
struggling with for the past decade.
Besieged
by Israel and Egypt,
the UN has repeatedly warned of a humanitarian crisis unfolding. 
Al-Azhar
University student Randa Harara, 21, often attends non-violent demonstrations,
and said they do make a difference in letting the world know about the
suffering in Gaza.
Last
December, an Israeli sniper shot her in the thigh while she was protesting near
Gaza’s eastern border. Harara had just finished giving a TV interview when she was
shot, standing 300 metres away from the fence. Despite her painful injury, she
is adamant about rejoining the demonstrations as soon as she recovers.
“This
is our duty towards Jerusalem. As a Palestinian from Gaza, this is the least
that I can do for my nation to fight against [oppression] … As long as we’re
besieged, it’s normal that we keep protesting against it.”
However,
because of Gaza’s isolation, it’s difficult for protests to pick up momentum,
as was the case with the First Intifada. For a population of two million, the
number of people who join the demonstrations every Friday is low, Harara
explained.
“There’s
a distance between us and Jerusalem. If we [weren’t under siege], we could do
more.
“There
has to be a better way to organise the movement. We have to express our anger
and frustration in any way that we can, because it’s a big issue. There should
be more people going to the streets, attending demonstrations. It’s for the
Palestinian cause. If we, the youth, don’t move, then who will?”
Social
stigma
Ayyash
said during the First Intifada the majority of demonstrators were women.
However, today, in Gaza, it is rare to see women participating in protests.
Many
told Harara that, as a woman, it’s better for her to stay at home or to focus
on her education.
“I
believe in what I’m doing. What people say about me is meaningless, as I’m sure
I’m not doing anything wrong,” Harara said.
“I
think that if other women weren’t facing social stigmatisation, which prevents
them from attending demonstrations, there would be many more people willing to
express their frustrations through demonstrations.”
Ayyash
and Salameh agree the role of Palestinian political parties has diminished
since the Oslo Accords.
The
new generation has the energy and willpower, but no one is guiding them in the
right direction, Salameh said.
“This
is what I hear all the time [from the youth]: ‘We don’t know what to do,'”
explained Salameh.
“[Political
parties] aren’t interested in working with the young generation and explaining
to them the power that they have and how they should use it … We’re not giving
them a chance to replace [the old generation.]”
The
key to success is unity, said Ayyash. The split between Fatah and Hamas has
continued for 11 years and without unity, no goal can be achieved.
“Before,
we were united [during the First Intifada],” Ayyash said. “There is a
gap between the [political] leaders and the people, and Israel is playing with
it.”