Dr. Priscilla Metscher – “National interests and internationalism do not cancel each other. They should be an important part of left-wing politics todayˮ
by Milena Rampoldi, ProMosaik. In the following my interview with Dr. Priscilla Metscher about socialism, history of socialism, and the challenges of today’s socialism in Europe. Dr. Priscilla Metscher was born in Belfast,
Northern Ireland. She taught Irish studies at Oldenburg University, Germany,
from 1974 to 1999. She has published many articles on the history of radical
Irish politics and is the author of
James Connolly and the Reconquest of Ireland (2002) and Republicanism and Socialism in
Ireland from Wolfe Tone to James Connolly (2016).
Northern Ireland. She taught Irish studies at Oldenburg University, Germany,
from 1974 to 1999. She has published many articles on the history of radical
Irish politics and is the author of
James Connolly and the Reconquest of Ireland (2002) and Republicanism and Socialism in
Ireland from Wolfe Tone to James Connolly (2016).
Why is it so important to study the history
of politics and of political movements, like socialism for example?
of politics and of political movements, like socialism for example?
First of
all I think it is important to study the history of politics and political
movements, as such an insight shows us that the primary motivating force in the
history of class societies is productive relations and ultimately the class
struggle. The centre of that struggle is politically active class consciousness
and political organisation. So ideas as they evolved must be seen within the
context of social and political movements. They cannot be examined as some
abstract ideology apart from their social and political context.
all I think it is important to study the history of politics and political
movements, as such an insight shows us that the primary motivating force in the
history of class societies is productive relations and ultimately the class
struggle. The centre of that struggle is politically active class consciousness
and political organisation. So ideas as they evolved must be seen within the
context of social and political movements. They cannot be examined as some
abstract ideology apart from their social and political context.
Secondly a study of political movements with
special reference to socialism shows us how socialism in the various countries
evolved. The development of socialism in the dominating Western nations has in
many ways a different character from socialism as it evolved in the former
British colonies. Here socialism is connected to the national liberation
struggle, as for example inIreland
Britain
first colony.
special reference to socialism shows us how socialism in the various countries
evolved. The development of socialism in the dominating Western nations has in
many ways a different character from socialism as it evolved in the former
British colonies. Here socialism is connected to the national liberation
struggle, as for example in
first colony.
Also I think we can learn much from the
strength and weaknesses within the various socialist movements. We know e.g.
that at the outbreak of the First World War the socialists in the Second
International were divided over support for the war effort. There were only few
who, when war broke out, vehemently opposed it and called on the workers to
turn the war into civil war for socialism. This was the stand of Lenin inRussia
Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht inGermany Ireland
strength and weaknesses within the various socialist movements. We know e.g.
that at the outbreak of the First World War the socialists in the Second
International were divided over support for the war effort. There were only few
who, when war broke out, vehemently opposed it and called on the workers to
turn the war into civil war for socialism. This was the stand of Lenin in
Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht in
On a positive note we see that the Russian
October revolution of 1917 was successful, not only because of the
circumstances existing at the time, but also because Lenin learned from the
failed revolution of 1905.
October revolution of 1917 was successful, not only because of the
circumstances existing at the time, but also because Lenin learned from the
failed revolution of 1905.
What can we learn
today from James Connolly?
today from James Connolly?
It is important to understand Connolly as a
socialist leader within the context of his time, i.e. the end of the 19th
and beginning of the 20th centuries. His political career corresponds
roughly to the life-span of the 2nd International. I would like to
say a few words about his political career, his Marxism, for these are
essential in assessing his relevance today.
socialist leader within the context of his time, i.e. the end of the 19th
and beginning of the 20th centuries. His political career corresponds
roughly to the life-span of the 2nd International. I would like to
say a few words about his political career, his Marxism, for these are
essential in assessing his relevance today.
He was born in Edinburgh , Scotland
so his first contacts with socialism were in the British labour movement. In
1896 he was offered the job as full-time organiser of the Dublin Socialist Club
and so he came toIreland
Socialism inIreland
had a long tradition, going back to the early Irish socialist William Thompson
at the beginning of the 19th century. Socialist parties and clubs
were in existence when Connolly came toIreland
British parties. They did not have the interests ofIreland
established the Irish Socialist Republican Party as an independent party of the
Irish working class with the goal of establishing an Irish socialist republic.
From the outset Connolly combined socialism inIreland
liberation movement there, going back to the republicanism of the United
Irishmen at the end of the 18th century. He believed it was a
historical necessity for the revolutionary elements in the national movement to
join forces with the Irish working class. This led him, in fact to join forces
with republicans in the organisation and carrying out of the Easter Rising
1916.
so his first contacts with socialism were in the British labour movement. In
1896 he was offered the job as full-time organiser of the Dublin Socialist Club
and so he came to
Socialism in
had a long tradition, going back to the early Irish socialist William Thompson
at the beginning of the 19th century. Socialist parties and clubs
were in existence when Connolly came to
British parties. They did not have the interests of
established the Irish Socialist Republican Party as an independent party of the
Irish working class with the goal of establishing an Irish socialist republic.
From the outset Connolly combined socialism in
liberation movement there, going back to the republicanism of the United
Irishmen at the end of the 18th century. He believed it was a
historical necessity for the revolutionary elements in the national movement to
join forces with the Irish working class. This led him, in fact to join forces
with republicans in the organisation and carrying out of the Easter Rising
1916.
With reference to Connolly‘s Marxism it is
important to emphasise that he was, in the terms of Antonio Gramsci, an
‚organic intellectual‘ of the working class. He did not come from an
intellectual background nor was he a professional intellectual. His education
was mainly autodidactic gained through long hours of study in the National
Library of Ireland inDublin
His work as organiser in political and trade union organisations left him
little time to write. For a time he was organiser of the International Workers
of the World (IWW) in theUSA
popularly known as the Wobblies. The aim of his writings was to develop the
political consciousness of the working class and to aid political action. There
are a number of points which we could take into consideration, essential to
Connolly‘s Marxism, such as his contribution to the concept of historical
materialism, to class as a key concept of social formation and historical
progression, women‘s emancipation, but there are two points which underline
Connolly‘s most original contribution to Marxist theory –firstly socialism and
war and secondly anti-colonialism.
important to emphasise that he was, in the terms of Antonio Gramsci, an
‚organic intellectual‘ of the working class. He did not come from an
intellectual background nor was he a professional intellectual. His education
was mainly autodidactic gained through long hours of study in the National
Library of Ireland in
His work as organiser in political and trade union organisations left him
little time to write. For a time he was organiser of the International Workers
of the World (IWW) in the
popularly known as the Wobblies. The aim of his writings was to develop the
political consciousness of the working class and to aid political action. There
are a number of points which we could take into consideration, essential to
Connolly‘s Marxism, such as his contribution to the concept of historical
materialism, to class as a key concept of social formation and historical
progression, women‘s emancipation, but there are two points which underline
Connolly‘s most original contribution to Marxist theory –firstly socialism and
war and secondly anti-colonialism.
Connolly‘s anti-war stand is of course closely
connected to his support of the struggle of the smaller nations for
self-determination. His stand concerning war is quite clear. On one occasion he
wrote „War is ever the enemy of progress…there are no humane methods of
warfare, there is no such thing as civilised war, all war is barbaric“. One can
certainly place Connolly along with Lenin, Luxemburg and Lebknect on the
left-wing of the Second International. He was quite clear that the First World
War was an inner-imperialist war for the capitalist domination of the world
market, for the political domination of important territory for industry and
finance capital. He participated in the Easter Rising in the hope that in the
end the Rising would lead to the establishment of an Irish Socialist republic.
The fact that the the Rising failed does not diminish the importance of that
anti-colonial struggle. In fact the Easter Rising was not an isolated event,
but was part of a revolutionary wave which occurred not only throughoutEurope , but in other parts of the world up to around
1921.
connected to his support of the struggle of the smaller nations for
self-determination. His stand concerning war is quite clear. On one occasion he
wrote „War is ever the enemy of progress…there are no humane methods of
warfare, there is no such thing as civilised war, all war is barbaric“. One can
certainly place Connolly along with Lenin, Luxemburg and Lebknect on the
left-wing of the Second International. He was quite clear that the First World
War was an inner-imperialist war for the capitalist domination of the world
market, for the political domination of important territory for industry and
finance capital. He participated in the Easter Rising in the hope that in the
end the Rising would lead to the establishment of an Irish Socialist republic.
The fact that the the Rising failed does not diminish the importance of that
anti-colonial struggle. In fact the Easter Rising was not an isolated event,
but was part of a revolutionary wave which occurred not only throughout
1921.
What then
is Connolly‘s legacy? What can we today learn from him? Connolly was convinced
that the example of Irish emancipation could be an attempt to change the map of
world imperialism. If we look at the situation today we see that the inherent
conflict between the interests of world imperialism and those of the smaller
nations has reached a new level of intensity. Paul Ziegler notes that the
society we live in today is a “cannabalistic world order“. I read recently
in an Oxfam report that 62 individuals control more wealth than the bottom half
of the planet‘s population. InEurope alone we
have only to look at the situation inGreece Spain Portugal Ireland
how the smaller nations are dictated to by the imperialist interests within the
EU. I think the left inIreland
and inEurope generally should take up the
interests of these nations and combine them in a programme of alternative
European politics.
is Connolly‘s legacy? What can we today learn from him? Connolly was convinced
that the example of Irish emancipation could be an attempt to change the map of
world imperialism. If we look at the situation today we see that the inherent
conflict between the interests of world imperialism and those of the smaller
nations has reached a new level of intensity. Paul Ziegler notes that the
society we live in today is a “cannabalistic world order“. I read recently
in an Oxfam report that 62 individuals control more wealth than the bottom half
of the planet‘s population. In
have only to look at the situation in
how the smaller nations are dictated to by the imperialist interests within the
EU. I think the left in
and in
interests of these nations and combine them in a programme of alternative
European politics.
What are the main
subjects you treat in your new book Republicanism
and Socialism inIreland
from Wolfe Tone to James Connolly?
subjects you treat in your new book Republicanism
and Socialism in
from Wolfe Tone to James Connolly?
The book examines the history of radical ideas
inIreland
from the emergence of republicanism at the end of the 18th century
up the the Easter Rising of 1916. On the whole I have attempted to show the
interaction of republicanism and socialism in Ireland, indicating how and why
socialism in Ireland has a republican basis.
It was my intention to show the social movements and the accompanying
phenomena of social protest in the context of changing productive relations. So
the rise of Irish republicanism I see in the context of the rise of an Irish
industrial middle class in the 18th century.. Similarly I examine
the growth of radical nationalism at the beginning of the 20th
century within the context of changing agrarian society at the close of the 19th
century, i.e. the development of agriculture on a capitalist basis from
landlordism to a system of peasant proprietorship. The ideas of the United
Irishmen and Young Irelanders, from the end of the 18th century up
to the 1840s are examined against the background of the social conditions of
the period. As far as the Young Irelanders is concerned the potato famine or
the Great Hunger as it is called in Ireland, lasting from 1845 into the 1850s,
plays a significant role. In the years 1845-49 one and a half million Irish
perished of starvation and disease, another one million emigrated, mainly to
theUnited States
Before the Famine Ireland had a population of around eight million. This was
reduced to around four and a half million after the Famine years. The
population in the whole ofIreland
has never reached pre-famine level.
in
from the emergence of republicanism at the end of the 18th century
up the the Easter Rising of 1916. On the whole I have attempted to show the
interaction of republicanism and socialism in Ireland, indicating how and why
socialism in Ireland has a republican basis.
It was my intention to show the social movements and the accompanying
phenomena of social protest in the context of changing productive relations. So
the rise of Irish republicanism I see in the context of the rise of an Irish
industrial middle class in the 18th century.. Similarly I examine
the growth of radical nationalism at the beginning of the 20th
century within the context of changing agrarian society at the close of the 19th
century, i.e. the development of agriculture on a capitalist basis from
landlordism to a system of peasant proprietorship. The ideas of the United
Irishmen and Young Irelanders, from the end of the 18th century up
to the 1840s are examined against the background of the social conditions of
the period. As far as the Young Irelanders is concerned the potato famine or
the Great Hunger as it is called in Ireland, lasting from 1845 into the 1850s,
plays a significant role. In the years 1845-49 one and a half million Irish
perished of starvation and disease, another one million emigrated, mainly to
the
Before the Famine Ireland had a population of around eight million. This was
reduced to around four and a half million after the Famine years. The
population in the whole of
has never reached pre-famine level.
Part II of the book deals with Fenianism and
the Land War as movements essentially of the lower classes. Fenianism developed
out of the previous republican movements. The use of physical force and the
idea of a secret oath-bound society played a major role in the Fenian agenda.
The Land War was an attempt to combine the social and national questions. The
third and final section is entitled „James Connolly, Socialism and the National
Question“. This part could be seen above all within the context of organised
labour history, as it deals primarily with the Irish working class as an
organised class and its role in the political and trade union movements of the
period with a concentration on socialist theory (the development of Connolly‘s
Marxism).
the Land War as movements essentially of the lower classes. Fenianism developed
out of the previous republican movements. The use of physical force and the
idea of a secret oath-bound society played a major role in the Fenian agenda.
The Land War was an attempt to combine the social and national questions. The
third and final section is entitled „James Connolly, Socialism and the National
Question“. This part could be seen above all within the context of organised
labour history, as it deals primarily with the Irish working class as an
organised class and its role in the political and trade union movements of the
period with a concentration on socialist theory (the development of Connolly‘s
Marxism).
On the whole my aim is to show the interaction
of republicanism and socialism inIreland
socialism there has a republican basis. I see James Connolly‘s life and work as
the culminating point in the history of republicanism and socialism in Ireland
up to the present day.
of republicanism and socialism in
socialism there has a republican basis. I see James Connolly‘s life and work as
the culminating point in the history of republicanism and socialism in Ireland
up to the present day.
Where possible I have pointed to the important
role of women in the various organisations, e.g. Mary Anne McCracken, the
sister of Henry Joy McCracken, one of the leaders of the United Irishmen who
was executed in Belfast for his part in the rising of 1798, Fanny and Anna
Parnell, sisters of Charles Stewart Parnell who took over the organisation of
the Land League when their brother, together with Michael Davitt, was
imprisoned. Likewise a number of women were active in the Easter Rising of
1916, such as Constance Markievicz and Winifred Carney (Connolly‘s secretary).
In fact Connolly was of the opinion that women should take their situation into
their own hands and encouraged women to participate in politics- his own
duaghter Nora is a good example. As he aptly wrote: „None so fitted to break
the chains as they who wear them, none so well equipped to decide what is a
fetter“. On another occasion he said: “The worker is the slave of capitalist
society, the female worker is the slave of that slave“.
role of women in the various organisations, e.g. Mary Anne McCracken, the
sister of Henry Joy McCracken, one of the leaders of the United Irishmen who
was executed in Belfast for his part in the rising of 1798, Fanny and Anna
Parnell, sisters of Charles Stewart Parnell who took over the organisation of
the Land League when their brother, together with Michael Davitt, was
imprisoned. Likewise a number of women were active in the Easter Rising of
1916, such as Constance Markievicz and Winifred Carney (Connolly‘s secretary).
In fact Connolly was of the opinion that women should take their situation into
their own hands and encouraged women to participate in politics- his own
duaghter Nora is a good example. As he aptly wrote: „None so fitted to break
the chains as they who wear them, none so well equipped to decide what is a
fetter“. On another occasion he said: “The worker is the slave of capitalist
society, the female worker is the slave of that slave“.
Could you explain
more specifically the term ‚wider class politics‘ to our readers?
more specifically the term ‚wider class politics‘ to our readers?
„James Connolly
and the Wider Class Politics of 1916“ was the title of an article I wrote last
year for the Marx Memorial Library‘s journal „Theory and Struggle” and I
thought it very appropriate to describe Connolly‘s concept of class politics in
this way. Central, of course, to his political thought is the class struggle.
He himself had considerable opportunity to experience this at first hand
throughout his political career in the labour struggles of the time, whether
working for the Industrial Workers of the World in theUSA Dublin
of 1913 when theDublin
employers locked out the workers for six months. But also central to Connolly‘s
political thought was the long-term goal of setting up an Irish socialist
republic and to achieve this it was clear to him that the Irish working class
could not accomplish this alone. So right from the start of his political
activities he was concerned with forming alliances with nationalists who were
not prone to socialism, but who nevertheless regarded Connolly as a reliable
alliance partner in the various anti-British activities inIreland
time. He participated in the ’98 centenary celebrations of the Rising of the
United Irishmen. He was a member of the Transvaal committee opposed to the Boer
war which broke out in 1899 where he worked together with Arthur Griffith (Sinn
Fein) and Maud Gonne McBride. He also helped in the organisation of the
anti-jubilee demonstrations against the reign of QueenVictoria
class politics can be seen in the significance Connolly attributed to the
national liberation struggle and its connection with socialist politics in the
achievement of a socialist republic inIreland
and the Wider Class Politics of 1916“ was the title of an article I wrote last
year for the Marx Memorial Library‘s journal „Theory and Struggle” and I
thought it very appropriate to describe Connolly‘s concept of class politics in
this way. Central, of course, to his political thought is the class struggle.
He himself had considerable opportunity to experience this at first hand
throughout his political career in the labour struggles of the time, whether
working for the Industrial Workers of the World in the
of 1913 when the
employers locked out the workers for six months. But also central to Connolly‘s
political thought was the long-term goal of setting up an Irish socialist
republic and to achieve this it was clear to him that the Irish working class
could not accomplish this alone. So right from the start of his political
activities he was concerned with forming alliances with nationalists who were
not prone to socialism, but who nevertheless regarded Connolly as a reliable
alliance partner in the various anti-British activities in
time. He participated in the ’98 centenary celebrations of the Rising of the
United Irishmen. He was a member of the Transvaal committee opposed to the Boer
war which broke out in 1899 where he worked together with Arthur Griffith (Sinn
Fein) and Maud Gonne McBride. He also helped in the organisation of the
anti-jubilee demonstrations against the reign of Queen
class politics can be seen in the significance Connolly attributed to the
national liberation struggle and its connection with socialist politics in the
achievement of a socialist republic in
I would like to mention Connolly‘s attitude as
a socialist to religion, for it underlines the nature of his alliance policy.
Quite apart from the superfluous question as to whether Connolly was a Catholic
or not, much more important is his stand against those he termed ‚raw atheists‘
in the labour movement who alienated the majority of Catholic workers from the
cause of socialism. InIreland
and in theUnited States
where the majority of Irish workers were Catholic, he realised that it would be
pointless to try winning the mass of Irish people to socialism by putting
himself forward as an atheist. Far from regarding religion as a private matter,
outside the precincts of socialism, he deliberately sought dialogue and
controversy with Catholic priests. Although stressing the
historical-materialist foundation of socialism, he nevertheless maintained that
Christianity and socialism, or within the Irish context, Catholicism and
socialism were not diametrically opposed doctrines, the one negating the other.
Connolly was convinced that Catholicism could not be kept out of the debate on
socialism inIreland
On the contrary, both priests and Catholic laity who actively supported labour
were a possitive asset to the foundation of a socialistIreland
think that Connolly‘s attitude to religion has a lot to tell us today, as to
how socialists should react to the ever-increasing anti-islamphobia – in
Germany as propagated by the AfD and the followers of Pegida and similar
organisations. There are other important matters today where socialist alliance
policy in the sense of wider class politics is essential. In Connolly‘s day the
exploitation of the earth with catastrophic consequences for the ecological
system was not as developed as it is today. The struggle in our times for the
preservation of the earth is essential for the existence of all peoples.
a socialist to religion, for it underlines the nature of his alliance policy.
Quite apart from the superfluous question as to whether Connolly was a Catholic
or not, much more important is his stand against those he termed ‚raw atheists‘
in the labour movement who alienated the majority of Catholic workers from the
cause of socialism. In
and in the
where the majority of Irish workers were Catholic, he realised that it would be
pointless to try winning the mass of Irish people to socialism by putting
himself forward as an atheist. Far from regarding religion as a private matter,
outside the precincts of socialism, he deliberately sought dialogue and
controversy with Catholic priests. Although stressing the
historical-materialist foundation of socialism, he nevertheless maintained that
Christianity and socialism, or within the Irish context, Catholicism and
socialism were not diametrically opposed doctrines, the one negating the other.
Connolly was convinced that Catholicism could not be kept out of the debate on
socialism in
On the contrary, both priests and Catholic laity who actively supported labour
were a possitive asset to the foundation of a socialist
think that Connolly‘s attitude to religion has a lot to tell us today, as to
how socialists should react to the ever-increasing anti-islamphobia – in
Germany as propagated by the AfD and the followers of Pegida and similar
organisations. There are other important matters today where socialist alliance
policy in the sense of wider class politics is essential. In Connolly‘s day the
exploitation of the earth with catastrophic consequences for the ecological
system was not as developed as it is today. The struggle in our times for the
preservation of the earth is essential for the existence of all peoples.
The term ‚post-colonialism‘ is misleading, I
think, as it gives the impression that colonialism is a thing of the past, but
it still exists where trusts and finance capital plunder the resources of the
so-called third world countries, often driving people from the land they have
lived on for generations and cultivated as a means of livlihood. National
liberation struggles continue throughout the world and the struggle for the
upkeep of national sovereignty against world imperialism is of the utmost
importance. So there are many facets to class politics today.
think, as it gives the impression that colonialism is a thing of the past, but
it still exists where trusts and finance capital plunder the resources of the
so-called third world countries, often driving people from the land they have
lived on for generations and cultivated as a means of livlihood. National
liberation struggles continue throughout the world and the struggle for the
upkeep of national sovereignty against world imperialism is of the utmost
importance. So there are many facets to class politics today.
What is the situation today concerning
European socialism? What are the main challenges?
European socialism? What are the main challenges?
I think concerning socialism in Europe today we have a catastrophic situation . According
to Eric Hobsbawm the left is in a double catastrophic situation. On the one
hand socialism in the formerSoviet Union and
other socialist countries has collapsed and on the other hand traditional
socialist democracy has degenerated into
neoliberalism under the leadership of Blair inBritain Germany
attempt to start again and bring together the various socialist forces has been
hindered by splits within the various left-wing parties inEurope .
Very often it is over the question of participation or non-participation in a
government in which the neoliberal parties have the say. One very interesting
development recently is the left development in the British Labour Party under
Jeremy Corbyn. Since his election to leadership the Labour Party has the
highest membership of all European parties.
to Eric Hobsbawm the left is in a double catastrophic situation. On the one
hand socialism in the former
other socialist countries has collapsed and on the other hand traditional
socialist democracy has degenerated into
neoliberalism under the leadership of Blair in
attempt to start again and bring together the various socialist forces has been
hindered by splits within the various left-wing parties in
Very often it is over the question of participation or non-participation in a
government in which the neoliberal parties have the say. One very interesting
development recently is the left development in the British Labour Party under
Jeremy Corbyn. Since his election to leadership the Labour Party has the
highest membership of all European parties.
Concerning challenges for the left today, I
have already mentioned a few: the struggle for the preservation of the earth,
the struggle against exploitation of trusts and finance capital in their own
and in the third world countries. It is quite clear that we do not have a
revolutionary potential inEurope today, but
there are many forms of struggles within
and outside the EU which in their progressive aspects are also struggles for
self-determination against the reactionary forces of world imperialism. The
left, I think, must bring class politics into these struggles and here the
social question combined with the national question is of paramount importance,
if we are to avoid the national question being exploited by the radical right.
It is not a question of negating the nation, but rather of re-moulding it in
the context of working-class politics.
have already mentioned a few: the struggle for the preservation of the earth,
the struggle against exploitation of trusts and finance capital in their own
and in the third world countries. It is quite clear that we do not have a
revolutionary potential in
there are many forms of struggles within
and outside the EU which in their progressive aspects are also struggles for
self-determination against the reactionary forces of world imperialism. The
left, I think, must bring class politics into these struggles and here the
social question combined with the national question is of paramount importance,
if we are to avoid the national question being exploited by the radical right.
It is not a question of negating the nation, but rather of re-moulding it in
the context of working-class politics.
The aim cannot be the return to traditional
nation states, but must go beyond this and go beyond the present European
Union. A reform within the present European set-up is imposible for obvious
reasons. The aim should be the establishment in the long run of a union of
socialist republics inEurope . This means
ultimately a break with present politics of the European Union rather than an
attempt to ‚reform‘ the EU from within. In the long term then the aim should be
the establishment of a new democratic, socialist order inEurope
and this should occur within the construction of a multi-polar world. In this
context national interests and internationalism do not cancel each other. They
should be an important part of left-wing politics today.
nation states, but must go beyond this and go beyond the present European
Union. A reform within the present European set-up is imposible for obvious
reasons. The aim should be the establishment in the long run of a union of
socialist republics in
ultimately a break with present politics of the European Union rather than an
attempt to ‚reform‘ the EU from within. In the long term then the aim should be
the establishment of a new democratic, socialist order in
and this should occur within the construction of a multi-polar world. In this
context national interests and internationalism do not cancel each other. They
should be an important part of left-wing politics today.
An interesting and encouraging development is
the issue of a declaration recently by left-wing parties acrossEurope . The declaration was issued at the close of an
interparliamentary conference in Brussels on the EUs economic governance
framework and was signed by Podemos and Izquierda Unida (Spain), Syriza
(Greece), Left Block and Portuguese Communist Party (Portugal), die Linke
(Germany), Front de Gauche (France), Red-Green Alliance (Denmark), Sinn Fein
(Ireland) and Akel (Cyprus). Basically the declaration calls for an end to the
EUs neoliberal austerity policies. It calls for a new set of economic, social
and environmental policies in favour of people and workers; public investment
focusing on the creation of decent and secure jobs, strengthening collective
bargaining and collective agreements and extending the right to strike, the
public control and the decentralisation of the banking sector.[1]
This is certainly an important step in combating the rise of the Right
inEurope .
the issue of a declaration recently by left-wing parties across
interparliamentary conference in Brussels on the EUs economic governance
framework and was signed by Podemos and Izquierda Unida (Spain), Syriza
(Greece), Left Block and Portuguese Communist Party (Portugal), die Linke
(Germany), Front de Gauche (France), Red-Green Alliance (Denmark), Sinn Fein
(Ireland) and Akel (Cyprus). Basically the declaration calls for an end to the
EUs neoliberal austerity policies. It calls for a new set of economic, social
and environmental policies in favour of people and workers; public investment
focusing on the creation of decent and secure jobs, strengthening collective
bargaining and collective agreements and extending the right to strike, the
public control and the decentralisation of the banking sector.[1]
This is certainly an important step in combating the rise of the Right
in
