The Palestine solidarity movement should focus on Palestine
By Ramzy Baroud,
Al Jazeera, 16 Mar 2018
The
Zionist narrative should not be allowed to shape and dominate the discussion on
Palestine.
Zionist narrative should not be allowed to shape and dominate the discussion on
Palestine.
 |
| Palestine’s new historians, cultural ambassadors and activists must take the stage and speak for their people and for themselves, writes Baroud [Reuters] |
Nada Elia
holds no punches. A principled activist and an accomplished academic, she
writes with honesty and vigour.
As I
embarked on a worldwide speaking tour, an article she wrote
two years ago was present in my mind. Entitled, “No More Mr Nice Guy:
White Male Israeli Activists Exploiting Palestine Solidarity”, the article
details a degree of exploitation of Palestinian solidarity by ex-Zionist
intellectuals, who seek high fees and special treatment when they travel the
world talking about their moral awakening and ideological conversion.
embarked on a worldwide speaking tour, an article she wrote
two years ago was present in my mind. Entitled, “No More Mr Nice Guy:
White Male Israeli Activists Exploiting Palestine Solidarity”, the article
details a degree of exploitation of Palestinian solidarity by ex-Zionist
intellectuals, who seek high fees and special treatment when they travel the
world talking about their moral awakening and ideological conversion.
Indeed,
some of these “nice guys” generate so much income that they turned
solidarity into thriving careers.
some of these “nice guys” generate so much income that they turned
solidarity into thriving careers.
For the
record, I don’t seek honoraria myself, and if/when honoraria are available due
to the rules of certain academic or research institutes, I request the money be
sent to a charity that works to empower Palestinian communities at home.
record, I don’t seek honoraria myself, and if/when honoraria are available due
to the rules of certain academic or research institutes, I request the money be
sent to a charity that works to empower Palestinian communities at home.
It is the
matter of principle. Money has corrupted
the Palestinian cause. Donors’ money, billions of dollars received by the
Palestinian Authority (PA) in Ramallah has turned a revolution and a national
liberation project into a massive investment with many benefactors and many
beneficiaries. Most Palestinians, however, remain poor. Unemployment is skyrocketing.
matter of principle. Money has corrupted
the Palestinian cause. Donors’ money, billions of dollars received by the
Palestinian Authority (PA) in Ramallah has turned a revolution and a national
liberation project into a massive investment with many benefactors and many
beneficiaries. Most Palestinians, however, remain poor. Unemployment is skyrocketing.
With the
billions raked in by the corrupt PA since its founding in 1994, most
Palestinians in the Occupied Territories still live in dire economic
uncertainty. Women are hit hardest.
billions raked in by the corrupt PA since its founding in 1994, most
Palestinians in the Occupied Territories still live in dire economic
uncertainty. Women are hit hardest.
A recent report
by Al Jazeera’s Harry Fawcett speaks of a depressing reality in the West Bank
that effects women in particular. While 13 percent of all Palestinian women
hold university degrees (compared to 9 percent of men), only 19 percent of all
women are employed or seeking work.
by Al Jazeera’s Harry Fawcett speaks of a depressing reality in the West Bank
that effects women in particular. While 13 percent of all Palestinian women
hold university degrees (compared to 9 percent of men), only 19 percent of all
women are employed or seeking work.
To think
that women, especially Palestinian women, are marginalised even within the ‘Palestine
solidarity movement’ in favour of the glorified Israeli intellectual, whose
main selling point is that he is an awoken ‘anti-Zionist’ is galling, to say
the least.
Although
Palestinian women are some of the most educated women in the region, they have
the least work opportunities. The ratio of employment among Palestinian women,
19 percent, is significantly lower than that of working women in the Middle
East and North Africa region, which currently stands at 25 percent, and even
more negligible if compared with the global average of 51 percent.
Palestinian women are some of the most educated women in the region, they have
the least work opportunities. The ratio of employment among Palestinian women,
19 percent, is significantly lower than that of working women in the Middle
East and North Africa region, which currently stands at 25 percent, and even
more negligible if compared with the global average of 51 percent.
This
should not be the case, as 62 percent of all students currently seeking
university degrees in Palestine
are female.
should not be the case, as 62 percent of all students currently seeking
university degrees in Palestine
are female.
According
to Fawcett’s report, the main reason behind the trials of Palestinian women is
the Israeli occupation, which has battered Palestinian industries that
traditionally employ women, namely agriculture and manufacturing.
to Fawcett’s report, the main reason behind the trials of Palestinian women is
the Israeli occupation, which has battered Palestinian industries that
traditionally employ women, namely agriculture and manufacturing.
Back to
Elia’s article – “No More Mr Nice Guy”. “I have discussed this
with many friends, all but one women of colour, and we have all expressed
extreme frustration at the opacity around this topic,” she writes.
Elia’s article – “No More Mr Nice Guy”. “I have discussed this
with many friends, all but one women of colour, and we have all expressed
extreme frustration at the opacity around this topic,” she writes.
“We
(women of colour) are generally the speakers who accept the lower honoraria.
More seriously, we are the ones who are offered the lower honoraria,” Elia
elaborates.
(women of colour) are generally the speakers who accept the lower honoraria.
More seriously, we are the ones who are offered the lower honoraria,” Elia
elaborates.
Compare
this to “Mr Nice Guy”, who receives the “royal treatment… Has
a set rate… Does not negotiate, and gets what he has asked for”.
this to “Mr Nice Guy”, who receives the “royal treatment… Has
a set rate… Does not negotiate, and gets what he has asked for”.
“The
discrepancy in honoraria is most obvious when activists for justice in
Palestine celebrate decent Jews for exactly that – being decent. ‘Nice’ Israeli
men are in a class apart, placed on a pedestal, considered heroes for not being
violent, racist murderers”.
discrepancy in honoraria is most obvious when activists for justice in
Palestine celebrate decent Jews for exactly that – being decent. ‘Nice’ Israeli
men are in a class apart, placed on a pedestal, considered heroes for not being
violent, racist murderers”.
To think
that women, especially Palestinian women, are marginalised even within the
“Palestine solidarity movement” in favour of the glorified Israeli
intellectual, whose main selling point is that he is an awoken
“anti-Zionist” is galling, to say the least.
that women, especially Palestinian women, are marginalised even within the
“Palestine solidarity movement” in favour of the glorified Israeli
intellectual, whose main selling point is that he is an awoken
“anti-Zionist” is galling, to say the least.
To think
that Palestinian women are experiencing a similar reality – educated but
disadvantaged because of the Israeli occupation – at home, is remarkably
unfair.
that Palestinian women are experiencing a similar reality – educated but
disadvantaged because of the Israeli occupation – at home, is remarkably
unfair.
But I
will take the argument even further: the Palestinian intellectual and the
Palestinian narrative as a whole are underprivileged as well, even by those who
maintain that they fight for Palestinian rights and freedom.
will take the argument even further: the Palestinian intellectual and the
Palestinian narrative as a whole are underprivileged as well, even by those who
maintain that they fight for Palestinian rights and freedom.
How this
came about is interesting and multifaceted. It is the outcome of
self-censorship and the inherent defensiveness among Western solidarity activists,
often petrified by the unfair label of “antisemitism“.
came about is interesting and multifaceted. It is the outcome of
self-censorship and the inherent defensiveness among Western solidarity activists,
often petrified by the unfair label of “antisemitism“.
I rarely
experienced the same sentiments when travelling in Africa, Asia, the Middle
East and South America. The Southern hemisphere relates
to Palestine on a whole different level – unique and mutual historical
experiences. For them, solidarity with Palestinians is often rooted in their
own history of anti-colonial, anti-imperialist struggles.
experienced the same sentiments when travelling in Africa, Asia, the Middle
East and South America. The Southern hemisphere relates
to Palestine on a whole different level – unique and mutual historical
experiences. For them, solidarity with Palestinians is often rooted in their
own history of anti-colonial, anti-imperialist struggles.
Palestine
needs new blood, capable, self-asserting women and men who must reclaim,
indeed, liberate their narrative and their honourable struggle.
The first
solidarity with Palestinians meeting I ever attended soon after I left
Palestine over two decades ago was in Washington State. It rarely addressed the
viewpoint of Palestinians.
solidarity with Palestinians meeting I ever attended soon after I left
Palestine over two decades ago was in Washington State. It rarely addressed the
viewpoint of Palestinians.
Usually
elder activists, some announcing that they have fought for Palestine for
decades, charted what they assume was a pro-Palestine discourse without
exhibiting a deep-rooted understanding of Palestinian reality, history or
fathoming the complexity of Palestinian culture, life and collective
aspirations.
elder activists, some announcing that they have fought for Palestine for
decades, charted what they assume was a pro-Palestine discourse without
exhibiting a deep-rooted understanding of Palestinian reality, history or
fathoming the complexity of Palestinian culture, life and collective
aspirations.
The
meeting focused mostly on how Israeli soldiers are, too victimized by the
Israeli occupation, as they developed debilitating post-traumatic stress
disorders that bode badly for their families and social lives.
meeting focused mostly on how Israeli soldiers are, too victimized by the
Israeli occupation, as they developed debilitating post-traumatic stress
disorders that bode badly for their families and social lives.
When they
spoke of the Palestinian people, they presented them as victims, numbers,
figures and charts plagued with human misery and infinite sorrow. And of
course, they decried the violent Palestinians and duly condemned any form of
“terrorism” and “antisemitism”.
spoke of the Palestinian people, they presented them as victims, numbers,
figures and charts plagued with human misery and infinite sorrow. And of
course, they decried the violent Palestinians and duly condemned any form of
“terrorism” and “antisemitism”.
In recent
years, the Boycott,
Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, and the work of many
independent Palestinian activists and intellectuals challenged the apologist
approach to solidarity, through assuming leadership and presenting a
pro-active, Palestine-centered discourse. But the old trend is too powerful to
be expunged easily.
years, the Boycott,
Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, and the work of many
independent Palestinian activists and intellectuals challenged the apologist
approach to solidarity, through assuming leadership and presenting a
pro-active, Palestine-centered discourse. But the old trend is too powerful to
be expunged easily.
The main
challenge for the solidarity movement is that it was constructed in response to
the powerful and omnipresent Zionist narrative in the West. The latter defined
the discussion on Palestine, determined the priorities and the language.
challenge for the solidarity movement is that it was constructed in response to
the powerful and omnipresent Zionist narrative in the West. The latter defined
the discussion on Palestine, determined the priorities and the language.
Many
Palestine solidarity groups around the world, but especially in the West were formed
to combat the misrepresentations and challenge the popular conception that
moulded the Palestinian as a “terrorist” and the Palestinian people
as an obstacle to the rise of progress and civilisation, supposedly epitomised
by Israel.
Palestine solidarity groups around the world, but especially in the West were formed
to combat the misrepresentations and challenge the popular conception that
moulded the Palestinian as a “terrorist” and the Palestinian people
as an obstacle to the rise of progress and civilisation, supposedly epitomised
by Israel.
That
integral defensiveness of the Palestine solidarity movement meant that the
debate, in fact, the whole discourse is almost entirely, though unwittingly
framed around Israeli, Zionist priorities.
integral defensiveness of the Palestine solidarity movement meant that the
debate, in fact, the whole discourse is almost entirely, though unwittingly
framed around Israeli, Zionist priorities.
For them,
Palestinian culture, history, politics are, at times subordinate compared with
Zionist history and Israeli politics. Their understanding of the refugee
crisis, for example was shaped by Israeli historian Benny Morris (a Zionist par
excellence) not Palestinian historian Salman Abu Sitta. His latest book, Mapping
My Return, should be obligatory reading for anyone truly keen on understanding
the Right of Return.
Palestinian culture, history, politics are, at times subordinate compared with
Zionist history and Israeli politics. Their understanding of the refugee
crisis, for example was shaped by Israeli historian Benny Morris (a Zionist par
excellence) not Palestinian historian Salman Abu Sitta. His latest book, Mapping
My Return, should be obligatory reading for anyone truly keen on understanding
the Right of Return.
But
Palestine was not invented in 1948. It was not the formation of Israel
upon the ruined cities and villages of Palestine that gave rise to a people
called Palestinians. Palestinian national identity is not an accident bestowed
upon the Palestinian people by Israel.
Palestine was not invented in 1948. It was not the formation of Israel
upon the ruined cities and villages of Palestine that gave rise to a people
called Palestinians. Palestinian national identity is not an accident bestowed
upon the Palestinian people by Israel.
Those who
stress the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees speak of the centrality of
the Nakba of 1948; those who champion the “two-state solution”,
negate the history of the Palestinians prior to the war and Israeli occupation
of 1967.
stress the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees speak of the centrality of
the Nakba of 1948; those who champion the “two-state solution”,
negate the history of the Palestinians prior to the war and Israeli occupation
of 1967.
This
convenient exploitation of Palestinian history has fragmented the identity of
the Palestinian, in the minds of many, and, in essence dehumanised Palestinian
people – an ancient people that existed and thrived millennia prior to the
inception of the Zionist movement in the late 19th century.
convenient exploitation of Palestinian history has fragmented the identity of
the Palestinian, in the minds of many, and, in essence dehumanised Palestinian
people – an ancient people that existed and thrived millennia prior to the
inception of the Zionist movement in the late 19th century.
“As
a Palestinian, my best argument against Zionism is my own story, my memory, my
recollections and the oral history of other Palestinians.” wrote
Professor Rima Najjar.
a Palestinian, my best argument against Zionism is my own story, my memory, my
recollections and the oral history of other Palestinians.” wrote
Professor Rima Najjar.
Yet the
Palestinian memory is rarely the centre of discussion, which has been centered,
for nearly 25 years, around the futile language of a “peace process”,
“painful compromises”, “land for peace formula” and the
“two-state solution” that was never intended to solve anything in the
first place.
Palestinian memory is rarely the centre of discussion, which has been centered,
for nearly 25 years, around the futile language of a “peace process”,
“painful compromises”, “land for peace formula” and the
“two-state solution” that was never intended to solve anything in the
first place.
The
discourse, even that championed by some in the Palestine solidarity movement is
often shaped by and caters to Israeli, Western sensibilities. It would be
unthinkable, for example, for a mainstream solidarity group to publicly defend
Palestinian armed resistance, or the democratic choices of the Palestinian
people during the 2006 elections.
discourse, even that championed by some in the Palestine solidarity movement is
often shaped by and caters to Israeli, Western sensibilities. It would be
unthinkable, for example, for a mainstream solidarity group to publicly defend
Palestinian armed resistance, or the democratic choices of the Palestinian
people during the 2006 elections.
“Cultural
resistance (is) the only resistance we can use as Palestinians whose path to
political resistance is effectively blocked,” wrote Najjar. “That,
coupled with the collective solidarity engendered by the Boycott, Divestment,
Sanctions (BDS) Movement, is the strongest argument against the unconscionable
practices of the Zionist Movement.”
resistance (is) the only resistance we can use as Palestinians whose path to
political resistance is effectively blocked,” wrote Najjar. “That,
coupled with the collective solidarity engendered by the Boycott, Divestment,
Sanctions (BDS) Movement, is the strongest argument against the unconscionable
practices of the Zionist Movement.”
I concur.
Palestine is not a chart or a PowerPoint presentation jumbled with numbers and
statistics. Palestine can neither be understood through the discourse of the
Zionist movement (which was and remains dedicated to the erasure
of the Palestinian identity) nor the stifling political discourse of the
“peace process” and other pretences.
Palestine is not a chart or a PowerPoint presentation jumbled with numbers and
statistics. Palestine can neither be understood through the discourse of the
Zionist movement (which was and remains dedicated to the erasure
of the Palestinian identity) nor the stifling political discourse of the
“peace process” and other pretences.
If the
Palestinian discourse is not communicated in a decisive, unapologetic manner,
independent from the validation of the West or anti-Zionist Israelis, it will
never truly leave the kind of global impact that could potentially banish the
Zionist discourse, one that is based on fabrications and riddled with
falsehoods.
Palestinian discourse is not communicated in a decisive, unapologetic manner,
independent from the validation of the West or anti-Zionist Israelis, it will
never truly leave the kind of global impact that could potentially banish the
Zionist discourse, one that is based on fabrications and riddled with
falsehoods.
For that
to happen, Palestine’s new historians, cultural ambassadors and activists must
take the stage and speak for their people and themselves. Their role should
extend beyond being the narrators of victimisation and misery. Palestine is
also a place of resistance, hope and empowerment, exemplifying a strong, rooted
culture that survived and defeated numerous invaders throughout history.
to happen, Palestine’s new historians, cultural ambassadors and activists must
take the stage and speak for their people and themselves. Their role should
extend beyond being the narrators of victimisation and misery. Palestine is
also a place of resistance, hope and empowerment, exemplifying a strong, rooted
culture that survived and defeated numerous invaders throughout history.
The
empowered new generation should fight for its position at the helm of this
process. Palestine needs new blood, capable, self-asserting women and men who
must reclaim, indeed, liberate their narrative and their honourable struggle.
empowered new generation should fight for its position at the helm of this
process. Palestine needs new blood, capable, self-asserting women and men who
must reclaim, indeed, liberate their narrative and their honourable struggle.
