Hitler & The Mufti – The Official Transcript (November 28, 1941)
by Gilad Atzmon, October 22, 2015.
Thefollowing is the official record of the conversation between Adolf
Hitler and Haj Amin al-Husseini in Berlin. You may note that while the
Leader of National Socialist Germany seems to be committed to the battle
against world Jewry, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem is only concerned
with Arab and Palestinian’s interests as one would expect him to be. In
the entire text there is not a single reference to ‘Jew burning’ as
Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu suggested yesterday. The Grand Mufti began
by thanking the Fuhrer for the great honor he had bestowed by receiving
him. He wished to seize the opportunity to convey to the Fuhrer of the
Greater German Reich, admired by the entireArab world,
his thanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and
especially the Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear
espressos in his public speeches. The Arab countries were firmly
convinced that Germany would
win the war and that the Arab cause would then prosper: The Arabs were
Germany’s natural friends because they had the same enemies as had
Germany, namely the English, the Jews,
and the Communists. They were therefore prepared to cooperate with
Germany with all their hearts and stood ready to participate in the war,
not only negatively by the commission of acts of sabotage and the
instigation of revolutions, but also positively by the formation of an
Arab Legion. The Arabs could he more useful to Germany as allies than
might he apparent at first glance, both for geographical reasons and
because of the suffering inflicted upon them by the English and the
Jews. Furthermore, they had had close relations with all Moslem nations,
of which they could make use in behalf of the common cause. The Arab
Legion would he quite easy to raise. An appeal by the Mufti to the Arab
countries and the prisoners of Arab, Algerian,Tunisian, and Moroccan nationality
in Germany would produce a great number of volunteers eager to fight.
Of Germany’s victory the Arab world was firmly convinced, not only
because the Reich possessed a large army, brave soldiers, and military
leaders of genius, but also because the Almighty could never award the
victory to an unjust cause. In this struggle, the Arabs were striving for the independence and unity of Palestine, Syria and Iraq.
They had the fullest confidence in the Fuhrer and looked to his hand
for the balm on their wounds which had been inflicted upon them by the
enemies of Germany. The Mufti then
mentioned the letter he had received from Germany, which stated that
Germany was holding no Arab territories and understood and recognized
the aspirations to independence and freedom of the Arabs, just as she
supported the elimination of the Jewish national home. A
public declaration in this sense would be very useful for its
propagandistic effect on the Arab peoples at this moment. It would rouse
the Arabs from their momentary lethargy and give them new courage. It
would also ease the Mufti’s work of secretly organizing the Arabs
against the moment when they could strike. At the same time, he could
give the assurance that the Arabs would in strict discipline patiently
wait for the right moment and only strike upon an order from Berlin. With
regard to the events in Iraq, the Mufti observed that the Arabs in that
country certainly had by no means been incited by Germany to attack
England, but solely had acted in reaction to a direct English assault
upon their honor. The Turks,
he believed, would welcome the establishment of’ an Arab government in
the neighboring territories because they would prefer weaker Arab to
strong European governments in the neighboring countries, and, being
themselves a nation of 7 million, they had moreover nothing to fear from
the 1.700,000 Arabs inhabiting Syria. Transjordan, Iraq. and Palestine. France likewise
would have no objections to the unification plan because she had
conceded independence to Syria as early as 1936 and had given her
approval to the unification of Iraq and Syria under King Faisal as early
as 1933. In these circumstances he was
renewing his request that the Fuhrer make a public declaration so that
the Arabs would not lose hope, which is so powerful a force in the life
of nations. With such hope in their hearts the Arabs, as lie had said,
were willing to wait. They were not pressing for immediate realization
of their aspirations: they could easily wait half a year or a whole
year. But if they were not inspired with such a hope by a declaration of
this sort, it could be expected that the English would be the gainers
from it. The Fuhrer replied that
Germany’s fundamental attitude on these questions, as the Mufti himself
had already stated. was clear. Germany stood for uncompromising war
against the Jews. That naturally included active opposition to the
Jewish national home in Palestine. which was nothing other than a
center, in the form of a state, for the exercise of destructive
influence by Jewish interests. Germany was also aware that the assertion
that the Jews were carrying out the function of economic pioneers in
Palestine was a lie. The work there was done only by the Arabs, not by
the Jews. Germany was resolved, step by step, to ask one European nation
after the other to solve its Jewish problem, and at the proper time
direct a similar appeal to non-European nations as well. Germany
was at the present time engaged in a life and death struggle with two
citadels of Jewish power: Great Britain and Soviet Russia.
Theoretically there was a difference between England’s capitalism and
Soviet Russia’s communism: actually, however, the Jews in both countries
were pursuing a common goal. This was the decisive struggle: on the
political plane, it presented itself in the main as a conflict between
Germany and England, but ideologically it was a battle between National
Socialism and the Jews. It went without saying that Germany would
furnish positive and practical aid to the Arabs involved in the same
struggle, because platonic promises were useless in a war for survival
or destruction in which the Jews were able to mobilize all of England’s
power for their ends. The aid to the
Arabs would have to be material aid. Of how little help sympathies alone
were in such a battle had been demonstrated plainly by the operation in
Iraq, where circumstances had not permitted the rendering of really
effective, practical aid. In spite of all the sympathies. German aid had
not been sufficient and Iraq was overcome by the power of Britain, that
is, the guardian of the Jews. The
Mufti could not but he aware, however. that the outcome of the struggle
going on at present would also decide the fate of the Arab world. The
Fuhrer therefore had to think and speak coolly and deliberately, as a
rational man and primarily as a soldier, as the leader of the German and
allied armies. Everything of a nature to help in this titanic battle
for the common cause, and thus also for the Arabs. would have to he
done. Anything, however, that might contribute to weakening the military
situation must be put aside, no matter hose unpopular this move might
be. Germany was now engaged in a very
severe battles to force the gateway to the northern Caucasus region. The
difficulties were mainly with regard to maintaining the supply. Which
was most difficult as a result of the destruction of railroads and
highways as well as of the oncoming winter. If at such a moment, the
Fuhrer were to raise the problem of Syria in a declaration, those
elements in France which were under de Gaulle’s influence would receive
new strength. They would interpret the Fuhrer’s declaration as an
intention to break up France’s colonial empire and appeal to their
fellow countrymen that they should rather make common cause with the
English to try to save what still could be saved. A German declaration
regarding Syria would in France he understood to refer to the French
colonies in general, and that would at the present time create new
troubles in western Europe, which means that a portion of the German
armed forces would be immobilized in the west and no longer he available
for the campaign in the east. The Fuhrer then made the following statement to the Mufti. enjoining him to lock it in the uttermost depths of his heart: 1. He (the Fuhrer) would carry on the battle to the total destruction of the Judeo-Communist empire in Europe. 2.
At some moment which was impossible to set exactly today but which in
any event was not distant, the German armies would in the course of this
struggle reach the southern exit from Caucasia. 3.
As soon as this had happened, the Fuhrer would on his own give the Arab
world the assurance that its hour of liberation had arrived. Germany’s
objective would then be solely the destruction of the Jewish element
residing in the Arab sphere under the protection of British power. In
that hour the Mufti would be the most authoritative spokesman for the
Arab world. It would then be his task to set off the Arab operations
which he had secretly prepared. When that time had come. Germany could
also he indifferent to French reaction to such a declaration. Once Germany had forced open the road to Iran and
Iraq through Rostov, it would he also the beginning of the end of the
British world empire. He (the Fuhrer) hoped that the coming year would
make it possible for Germany to thrust open the Caucasian gate to the
Middle East. For the good of their common cause. it would he better if
the Arab proclamation were put off for a few more months than if Germany
were to create difficulties for herself without being able thereby to
help the Arabs.He (the Fuhrer) fully
appreciated the eagerness of the Arabs for a public declaration of the
sort requested by the Grand Mufti. But he would beg him to consider that
he (the Fuhrer) himself was the Chief of State of the German Reich for
five long years during which he was unable to make to his own homeland
the announcement of its liberation. He had to wait with that until the
announcement could be made on the basis of a situation brought about by
the force of arms that the Anschluss had been carried out. The
moment that Germany’s tank divisions and air squadrons had made their
appearance south of the Caucasus, the public appeal requested by the
Grand Mufti could go out to the Arab world. The
Grand Mufti replied that it was his view that everything would come to
pass just as the Fiihrer had indicated. He was fully reassured and
satisfied by the words which he had heard from the Chief of the German
State. He asked, however, whether it would not be possible. secretly at
least, to enter into an agreement with Germany of the kind he had just
outlined for the Fuhrer. The Fuhrer replied that he had just now given the Grand Mufti precisely that confidential declaration. The
Grand Mufti thanked him for it and stated in conclusion that he was
taking his leave from the Fuhrer in full confidence and with reiterated
thanks for the interest shown in the Arab cause.
Source: Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin, ed, The Israel-Arab Reader, (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001)
