Hardy Merriman of ICNC – We aim to share knowledge about how ordinary people can nonviolently struggle to win rights, freedom and justice around the world.
 |
| Hardy Merriman |
By Denise Nanni and Milena Rampoldi,
ProMosaik. In the following my interview with Hardy Merriman of ICNC,
the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. Civil
resistance movements—featuring a wide range of nonviolent tactics such as
strikes, boycotts, mass demonstrations, acts of noncooperation, civil
disobedience, and other actions—are capturing the world’s attention as never
before. The International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) focuses on how
these movements struggle effectively and win. Would like to thank Hardy so much
for his time and challenging answers.
ProMosaik. In the following my interview with Hardy Merriman of ICNC,
the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. Civil
resistance movements—featuring a wide range of nonviolent tactics such as
strikes, boycotts, mass demonstrations, acts of noncooperation, civil
disobedience, and other actions—are capturing the world’s attention as never
before. The International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) focuses on how
these movements struggle effectively and win. Would like to thank Hardy so much
for his time and challenging answers.
How
was born ICNC and with what aims?
was born ICNC and with what aims?
ICNC was founded in
2002 with an educational mission. We aim
to share knowledge about how ordinary people can nonviolently struggle to win
rights, freedom and justice around the world.
We think that skills and strategic choices really matter in how
nonviolent movements grow and evolve, and that learning lessons from other activists
and scholarly research can help people engage in this process.
2002 with an educational mission. We aim
to share knowledge about how ordinary people can nonviolently struggle to win
rights, freedom and justice around the world.
We think that skills and strategic choices really matter in how
nonviolent movements grow and evolve, and that learning lessons from other activists
and scholarly research can help people engage in this process.
The background to ICNC is this: The
scholar Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall collaborated in the creation of a film
called “A Force More Powerful”,
which was released in 2000. They also
wrote a companion book to the film. The
film and book told the story of nonviolent movements through the 20th
century and how they overcame oppression, with a particular focus on the kinds
of strategies that these movements used.
The cases were diverse and included the nonviolent resistance that ended
the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile in 1988, the Polish Solidarity Movement that
ended Soviet rule in 1989, the nonviolent resistance in South Africa that led
to the end of Apartheid, the 1960 Nashville Lunch Counter sit-ins in the US
Civil Rights Movement, Gandhi’s famous Salt March in 1930 during the Indian
Independence Struggle, and Danish nonviolent resistance to Nazi occupation in
the early 1940s.
scholar Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall collaborated in the creation of a film
called “A Force More Powerful”,
which was released in 2000. They also
wrote a companion book to the film. The
film and book told the story of nonviolent movements through the 20th
century and how they overcame oppression, with a particular focus on the kinds
of strategies that these movements used.
The cases were diverse and included the nonviolent resistance that ended
the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile in 1988, the Polish Solidarity Movement that
ended Soviet rule in 1989, the nonviolent resistance in South Africa that led
to the end of Apartheid, the 1960 Nashville Lunch Counter sit-ins in the US
Civil Rights Movement, Gandhi’s famous Salt March in 1930 during the Indian
Independence Struggle, and Danish nonviolent resistance to Nazi occupation in
the early 1940s.
All of these movements had common
attributes that helped them to persevere and achieve progress. While the film and book were designed for
general educational purposes, what happened is that activists and organizers
around the world started using them as educational tools to train
themselves. It was clear that demand was
high globally for this kind of knowledge.
attributes that helped them to persevere and achieve progress. While the film and book were designed for
general educational purposes, what happened is that activists and organizers
around the world started using them as educational tools to train
themselves. It was clear that demand was
high globally for this kind of knowledge.
As a result of this, in 2002 they
decided to create the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) to
support research, produce educational materials, and share knowledge with
activists, organizers, and other practitioners (i.e. members of INGOs,
journalists, and others) around the world.
decided to create the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) to
support research, produce educational materials, and share knowledge with
activists, organizers, and other practitioners (i.e. members of INGOs,
journalists, and others) around the world.
What
are the factors that brought civil resistance movements to acquire more
importance nowadays? Did social media play an important role?
are the factors that brought civil resistance movements to acquire more
importance nowadays? Did social media play an important role?
Currently, between 2.5-3 billion
people are suffering under unaccountable political, economic, and social
circumstances where the traditional means of making change are totally failing
them. Elections are fraudulent or
stolen. The legal system is corrupt or
unavailable because it is too expensive.
And negotiations and conflict resolution are, by themselves,
insufficient to address these people’s needs.
people are suffering under unaccountable political, economic, and social
circumstances where the traditional means of making change are totally failing
them. Elections are fraudulent or
stolen. The legal system is corrupt or
unavailable because it is too expensive.
And negotiations and conflict resolution are, by themselves,
insufficient to address these people’s needs.
In these situations, people can wait
and hope for things to get better, or they can decide to struggle using violence,
or they can decide to struggle using nonviolent means—for example through
boycotts, strikes, mass demonstrations and a variety of other tactics. I think civil resistance is spreading quickly
because it is comparatively
the most effective way to struggle against political, social, and economic
oppression.
It is powerful. It does not
always achieve results, but we know statistically that looking at movements
from 1900 onward, it is the most promising way for people who are oppressed to
get power and change their situation. It
is much more successful than violence or waiting passively for things to
change. Many people can also participate
in nonviolent resistance—women, men, children, elders, people of all economic
classes, for example—so it can engage a much fuller portion of a population
than other means of struggle.
and hope for things to get better, or they can decide to struggle using violence,
or they can decide to struggle using nonviolent means—for example through
boycotts, strikes, mass demonstrations and a variety of other tactics. I think civil resistance is spreading quickly
because it is comparatively
the most effective way to struggle against political, social, and economic
oppression.
It is powerful. It does not
always achieve results, but we know statistically that looking at movements
from 1900 onward, it is the most promising way for people who are oppressed to
get power and change their situation. It
is much more successful than violence or waiting passively for things to
change. Many people can also participate
in nonviolent resistance—women, men, children, elders, people of all economic
classes, for example—so it can engage a much fuller portion of a population
than other means of struggle.
Social media may be helping to
spread knowledge about civil resistance.
But I wouldn’t put too much emphasis on it. What’s spreading the knowledge is the fact that
civil resistance is powerful, and powerful ideas tend to spread.
spread knowledge about civil resistance.
But I wouldn’t put too much emphasis on it. What’s spreading the knowledge is the fact that
civil resistance is powerful, and powerful ideas tend to spread.
How
civil society has been responsive so far?
civil society has been responsive so far?
That’s an interesting question. Civil society is a broad term—and could mean
well-funded nongovernmental organizations, or local labor unions and
cooperatives, or community and village organizations or associations (such as
savings circles), or anything in between.
well-funded nongovernmental organizations, or local labor unions and
cooperatives, or community and village organizations or associations (such as
savings circles), or anything in between.
To keep my answer brief, I can only
speak in general terms. At the level of
large NGOs, I think the rise of civil resistance movements has been generally surprising. This is because movements operate on a
different basis than NGOs. Movements are
based on the voluntary participation of many people who may not necessarily
have any particular political affiliation.
Sometimes people who have been non-political for most of their lives
decide to join movements. And the reason
they do it is because they feel that the movement represents them, and welcomes
them, and values them. The movement is
part of their community, and they have confidence that the movement has a
chance of making real improvements in their lives. The movement gives them hope, and may
inspire courage. It speaks to them in a
language that makes sense. The movement
also doesn’t often have a clear hierarchy—for example, you can’t command
thousands of people to mobilize. They
mobilize because they choose to, not because anyone tells them to.
speak in general terms. At the level of
large NGOs, I think the rise of civil resistance movements has been generally surprising. This is because movements operate on a
different basis than NGOs. Movements are
based on the voluntary participation of many people who may not necessarily
have any particular political affiliation.
Sometimes people who have been non-political for most of their lives
decide to join movements. And the reason
they do it is because they feel that the movement represents them, and welcomes
them, and values them. The movement is
part of their community, and they have confidence that the movement has a
chance of making real improvements in their lives. The movement gives them hope, and may
inspire courage. It speaks to them in a
language that makes sense. The movement
also doesn’t often have a clear hierarchy—for example, you can’t command
thousands of people to mobilize. They
mobilize because they choose to, not because anyone tells them to.
So a movement is very different from
a traditional NGO. The traditional NGO
often has paid staff, is officially registered, and has hierarchy. It has a director who can make choices from
the top down and the staff provide input and carry things out. And the NGO exists as long as it is
registered and has a budget and a board.
Again, I’m just speaking in general terms here, and I know there is a wide
variety of NGOs.
a traditional NGO. The traditional NGO
often has paid staff, is officially registered, and has hierarchy. It has a director who can make choices from
the top down and the staff provide input and carry things out. And the NGO exists as long as it is
registered and has a budget and a board.
Again, I’m just speaking in general terms here, and I know there is a wide
variety of NGOs.
Now, a movement exists because
people support it. If people stop
supporting the movement and participating in it, the movement doesn’t exist
anymore. So a movement is very
organic. It’s from the bottom up. It’s from the grassroots. It operates on a different premise than most
NGOs. That’s why I think movements can
be surprising for people who are used to working in hierarchy and thinking
about change from the top down.
people support it. If people stop
supporting the movement and participating in it, the movement doesn’t exist
anymore. So a movement is very
organic. It’s from the bottom up. It’s from the grassroots. It operates on a different premise than most
NGOs. That’s why I think movements can
be surprising for people who are used to working in hierarchy and thinking
about change from the top down.
I also think that people in NGOs are
learning how to work in alliance and coalition with movements, and this is
great, because the work of NGOs can be really important too, and when movements
and NGOs work together, it can be very powerful. If anyone reading this wants to learn more,
I’d encourage them to get in touch with the International Center on
Nonviolent Conflict.
We’d be happy to talk with them or share information. We are an example of an NGO that supports
civil resistance through education, but there are other ways civil resistance
can be supported as well.
learning how to work in alliance and coalition with movements, and this is
great, because the work of NGOs can be really important too, and when movements
and NGOs work together, it can be very powerful. If anyone reading this wants to learn more,
I’d encourage them to get in touch with the International Center on
Nonviolent Conflict.
We’d be happy to talk with them or share information. We are an example of an NGO that supports
civil resistance through education, but there are other ways civil resistance
can be supported as well.
Now, back to the concept of civil
society. At the edges of what some
people think of as “civil society”—at the level of local associations and
communities—in general I think people at that level are not as surprised by the
increase of civil resistance movements around the world. It’s at the local level that civil society is
closest to understanding the lives of ordinary people, and listening to what’s
going on for people, and so it is natural that those local civil society
organizations would have a clear sense of when and why and how people might
mobilize in a movement. Some local civil
society organization play a key part in organizing movements, and supporting
them.
society. At the edges of what some
people think of as “civil society”—at the level of local associations and
communities—in general I think people at that level are not as surprised by the
increase of civil resistance movements around the world. It’s at the local level that civil society is
closest to understanding the lives of ordinary people, and listening to what’s
going on for people, and so it is natural that those local civil society
organizations would have a clear sense of when and why and how people might
mobilize in a movement. Some local civil
society organization play a key part in organizing movements, and supporting
them.
What
are the actions that can be defined civil resistance? Did they evolve
throughout time?
are the actions that can be defined civil resistance? Did they evolve
throughout time?
In 1973, the scholar Gene Sharp
published a landmark book called The
Politics of Nonviolent Action. This
book was a major contribution to the field because Sharp looked at all kinds of
cases of nonviolent resistance and tried to create a general theory for how
nonviolent action worked. And just to be
clear, Sharp used the term “nonviolent action”, and I usually use the term
“civil resistance”, but we mean the same thing.
published a landmark book called The
Politics of Nonviolent Action. This
book was a major contribution to the field because Sharp looked at all kinds of
cases of nonviolent resistance and tried to create a general theory for how
nonviolent action worked. And just to be
clear, Sharp used the term “nonviolent action”, and I usually use the term
“civil resistance”, but we mean the same thing.
To carry out his research, Sharp had
to define his terms, and he defined nonviolent action as a way for people to
wield power without the use of physical violence. He continued by saying that nonviolent action
can involve acts of commission, which means people do things that they’re not
supposed to do, not expected to do, or that are illegal. Nonviolent action can also involve acts of
omission, which means that people don’t do things that they’re supposed to do,
expected to do, or are required to do.
Or nonviolent action can be a combination of both acts of commission and
omission.
to define his terms, and he defined nonviolent action as a way for people to
wield power without the use of physical violence. He continued by saying that nonviolent action
can involve acts of commission, which means people do things that they’re not
supposed to do, not expected to do, or that are illegal. Nonviolent action can also involve acts of
omission, which means that people don’t do things that they’re supposed to do,
expected to do, or are required to do.
Or nonviolent action can be a combination of both acts of commission and
omission.
Drawing from this, we can see that there
are hundreds of examples—strikes and boycotts of all kinds, protests of all
kinds, civil disobedience, the establishment of alternative institutions, and
other methods. The basis of Sharp’s
definition is disobedience to expectations and creating new patterns of
behavior, without violence. There are so
many things that we are expected to do every day, and things that we are not
supposed to do every day, that we can see that there is enormous room for
creative forms of defying these expectations.
Official and unofficial rules can be challenged and broken in many
ways. Sharp himself documented 198 different methods of
civil resistance.
Others have documented additional methods
and my organization is supporting
research right now to document additional methods
that have been created and used.
are hundreds of examples—strikes and boycotts of all kinds, protests of all
kinds, civil disobedience, the establishment of alternative institutions, and
other methods. The basis of Sharp’s
definition is disobedience to expectations and creating new patterns of
behavior, without violence. There are so
many things that we are expected to do every day, and things that we are not
supposed to do every day, that we can see that there is enormous room for
creative forms of defying these expectations.
Official and unofficial rules can be challenged and broken in many
ways. Sharp himself documented 198 different methods of
civil resistance.
Others have documented additional methods
and my organization is supporting
research right now to document additional methods
that have been created and used.
What
are, according to your experience, the factors that can lead a civil resistance
movement to succeed?
are, according to your experience, the factors that can lead a civil resistance
movement to succeed?
The
three factors that my colleagues and I use to quickly assess a movement’s
health are unity, strategic planning capacity, and nonviolent discipline. I first heard these three variables from
Peter Ackerman and I later wrote an
article about them, and they have spread around the field quite a bit. If you don’t mind, it would probably be
easiest for me to share excerpts from that article to explain further:
three factors that my colleagues and I use to quickly assess a movement’s
health are unity, strategic planning capacity, and nonviolent discipline. I first heard these three variables from
Peter Ackerman and I later wrote an
article about them, and they have spread around the field quite a bit. If you don’t mind, it would probably be
easiest for me to share excerpts from that article to explain further:
Unity is important because
nonviolent movements draw their strength from the participation of people in
diverse sectors of society. Put simply: numbers matter. The more
people a movement has supporting it, the greater its legitimacy, power, and
tactical repertoire. Successful movements therefore continually reach out
to new groups in their societies, e.g. men and women; youth, adults, and
elders; urban and rural populations; minorities; members of religious
institutions; farmers, laborers, business people, and professionals; wealthy,
middle class, and lower economic stratas; police, soldiers, and members of the
judiciary, as well as other groups….
nonviolent movements draw their strength from the participation of people in
diverse sectors of society. Put simply: numbers matter. The more
people a movement has supporting it, the greater its legitimacy, power, and
tactical repertoire. Successful movements therefore continually reach out
to new groups in their societies, e.g. men and women; youth, adults, and
elders; urban and rural populations; minorities; members of religious
institutions; farmers, laborers, business people, and professionals; wealthy,
middle class, and lower economic stratas; police, soldiers, and members of the
judiciary, as well as other groups….
Participants in
nonviolent movements must also make complex decisions about the course their
movements should take. Strategic
planning is of central importance in doing this.
Regardless of the merit of one’s cause or the morally indefensible acts of
one’s opponent, oppression is usually not overcome solely through spontaneous
and improvised acts of resistance, even if such acts are well-executed.
Instead, movements gain traction when they plan how civil resistance can be
systematically organized and adopted by people in society to achieve targeted
and focused goals.
nonviolent movements must also make complex decisions about the course their
movements should take. Strategic
planning is of central importance in doing this.
Regardless of the merit of one’s cause or the morally indefensible acts of
one’s opponent, oppression is usually not overcome solely through spontaneous
and improvised acts of resistance, even if such acts are well-executed.
Instead, movements gain traction when they plan how civil resistance can be
systematically organized and adopted by people in society to achieve targeted
and focused goals.
Deciding what
tactics to use and how they should be sequenced; developing galvanizing
propositions for change based on the aspirations and grievances of the
people who the movement aims to represent; planning what individuals and groups
to target with tactics and what short-, medium-, and long-term objectives to pursue;
and building lines of communication so that coalitions can be negotiated and
built are just some of the issues around which nonviolent movements must
creatively strategize. Doing so requires a holistic analysis of the
situation in which the nonviolent struggle takes place. As part of their
planning process, effective movements formally or informally gather
information, listen to people at the grassroots, and analyze themselves, their
adversaries, and uncommitted third parties constantly through the course of a
conflict.
tactics to use and how they should be sequenced; developing galvanizing
propositions for change based on the aspirations and grievances of the
people who the movement aims to represent; planning what individuals and groups
to target with tactics and what short-, medium-, and long-term objectives to pursue;
and building lines of communication so that coalitions can be negotiated and
built are just some of the issues around which nonviolent movements must
creatively strategize. Doing so requires a holistic analysis of the
situation in which the nonviolent struggle takes place. As part of their
planning process, effective movements formally or informally gather
information, listen to people at the grassroots, and analyze themselves, their
adversaries, and uncommitted third parties constantly through the course of a
conflict.
Finally, a
strategy is only effective if it is executed in a disciplined way. The
largest risk for a failure of discipline in a nonviolent movement is that some
members may become violent. Therefore, nonviolent
discipline—the ability of people to remain nonviolent, even in
the face of provocations—is often continually instilled in participants.
There are practical reasons for this. Violent incidents by members of a
movement can dramatically reduce its legitimacy while giving the movement’s
opponent an excuse to use repression. Furthermore, a movement that is
consistently nonviolent has a far greater chance of appealing to a broad range
of potential allies—including even an adversary’s supporters—through the course
of its struggle.
strategy is only effective if it is executed in a disciplined way. The
largest risk for a failure of discipline in a nonviolent movement is that some
members may become violent. Therefore, nonviolent
discipline—the ability of people to remain nonviolent, even in
the face of provocations—is often continually instilled in participants.
There are practical reasons for this. Violent incidents by members of a
movement can dramatically reduce its legitimacy while giving the movement’s
opponent an excuse to use repression. Furthermore, a movement that is
consistently nonviolent has a far greater chance of appealing to a broad range
of potential allies—including even an adversary’s supporters—through the course
of its struggle.
Those
three factors are critical, but we can look at other factors as well. For example, Peter Ackerman and I wrote
a chapter a couple of years ago that expands that list of three variables
into six variables.
three factors are critical, but we can look at other factors as well. For example, Peter Ackerman and I wrote
a chapter a couple of years ago that expands that list of three variables
into six variables.
A key
lesson here is that engaging in nonviolent struggle is both an art and a
science. What I’m talking about here is the science part—general knowledge and
principles that we have seen work everywhere.
We look at civil resistance as a social science, but we also don’t think
there is any formula. I can share with
other people what I know, but I certainly can’t tell others what to do. Local context differs in different places and
so it’s up to people in a particular context to decide if and how they think
the general principles of civil resistance can be applied in their situation. Learning and applying knowledge in your
context—that is the art.
lesson here is that engaging in nonviolent struggle is both an art and a
science. What I’m talking about here is the science part—general knowledge and
principles that we have seen work everywhere.
We look at civil resistance as a social science, but we also don’t think
there is any formula. I can share with
other people what I know, but I certainly can’t tell others what to do. Local context differs in different places and
so it’s up to people in a particular context to decide if and how they think
the general principles of civil resistance can be applied in their situation. Learning and applying knowledge in your
context—that is the art.
