Of Hajah Zainab – Is Palestine still the central issue for Arabs?
By Ramzy Baroud,
Palestinian Chronicle, 9 August 2016.
Palestinian Chronicle, 9 August 2016.
Palestine
is increasingly absent from Arab consciousness, at least at the official and
media levels. For years, the discussion has veered elsewhere, to other regions
and various other concerns, as Arab regional alliances are no longer driven by
the ‘question of Palestine.’
is increasingly absent from Arab consciousness, at least at the official and
media levels. For years, the discussion has veered elsewhere, to other regions
and various other concerns, as Arab regional alliances are no longer driven by
the ‘question of Palestine.’
 |
| (Image: Ramachandra Babu, Gulf News) |
Whether
one blames that neglect on the so-called Arab Spring, or explains it in context
of regional rivalry, the facts cannot be negated or even ignored. “Palestine no
longer tops the agenda of most Arab intellectuals,” a dear Saudi friend and
respected writer told me recently. “But the few of us who remain, will continue
to fight for Palestine,” he insisted.
one blames that neglect on the so-called Arab Spring, or explains it in context
of regional rivalry, the facts cannot be negated or even ignored. “Palestine no
longer tops the agenda of most Arab intellectuals,” a dear Saudi friend and
respected writer told me recently. “But the few of us who remain, will continue
to fight for Palestine,” he insisted.
That
assessment confirmed my own reading, and that of many others regarding the dwindling
significance of Palestine in current Arab political discourse. The oddity is
that although Palestine has been pushed to the back of the line — now crowded
with wars and conflicts in Syria, Libya, Yemen and elsewhere — it in fact
remains the single most important prerequisite for peace and stability in the
region.
assessment confirmed my own reading, and that of many others regarding the dwindling
significance of Palestine in current Arab political discourse. The oddity is
that although Palestine has been pushed to the back of the line — now crowded
with wars and conflicts in Syria, Libya, Yemen and elsewhere — it in fact
remains the single most important prerequisite for peace and stability in the
region.
That
peace and stability is not merely a moral imperative to end decades of Israeli
colonialism and military occupation; but Israel has proved to be the most
common threat to the region. Its past and present are laden with military
aggression, occupation and constant interventions in other countries’ affairs.
Thus, the ‘question of Palestine’ is in fact the ‘question of peace’ in the
entire Middle East region as well.
peace and stability is not merely a moral imperative to end decades of Israeli
colonialism and military occupation; but Israel has proved to be the most
common threat to the region. Its past and present are laden with military
aggression, occupation and constant interventions in other countries’ affairs.
Thus, the ‘question of Palestine’ is in fact the ‘question of peace’ in the
entire Middle East region as well.
But
how did we get here, to the point where Palestine is no longer the primary
issue? Is this a question of history, the Arab Spring, or regional rivalry?
how did we get here, to the point where Palestine is no longer the primary
issue? Is this a question of history, the Arab Spring, or regional rivalry?
We are all Hajah
Zainab
Zainab
At the
age of 21, I crossed Gaza into Egypt to pursue a degree in political science.
The timing couldn’t have been worse. The Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990 had
resulted in a US-led international coalition and a major war, which eventually
paved the road for the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. I was told that
Palestinians were ‘hated’ in Egypt because of Yasser Arafat’s stance in support
of Iraq at the time. I just did not know the extent of that alleged ‘hate.’
age of 21, I crossed Gaza into Egypt to pursue a degree in political science.
The timing couldn’t have been worse. The Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990 had
resulted in a US-led international coalition and a major war, which eventually
paved the road for the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. I was told that
Palestinians were ‘hated’ in Egypt because of Yasser Arafat’s stance in support
of Iraq at the time. I just did not know the extent of that alleged ‘hate.’
It was
in a cheap hotel in Cairo, where I slowly ran out of the few Egyptian pounds at
my disposal, that I met Hajah Zainab, a kindly, old custodian who treated me
like a son. She looked unwell, wobbled as she walked, and leaned against walls
to catch her breath before carrying on with her endless chores. The once
carefully-designed tattoos on her face, became a jumble of wrinkled ink that
defaced her skin. Still, the gentleness in her eyes prevailed, and whenever she
saw me she hugged me and cried.
in a cheap hotel in Cairo, where I slowly ran out of the few Egyptian pounds at
my disposal, that I met Hajah Zainab, a kindly, old custodian who treated me
like a son. She looked unwell, wobbled as she walked, and leaned against walls
to catch her breath before carrying on with her endless chores. The once
carefully-designed tattoos on her face, became a jumble of wrinkled ink that
defaced her skin. Still, the gentleness in her eyes prevailed, and whenever she
saw me she hugged me and cried.
Hajah
Zainab wept for two reasons: taking pity on me as I was fighting a deportation
order in Cairo — for no other reason than the fact that I was a Palestinian at
a time that Arafat endorsed Saddam. I grew desperate and dreaded the
possibility of facing the Israeli intelligence, Shin Bet, which was likely to
summon me to their offices once I crossed the border back to Gaza. The other
reason is that Hajah Zainab’s only son, Ahmad, had died fighting the Israelis
in Sinai.
Zainab wept for two reasons: taking pity on me as I was fighting a deportation
order in Cairo — for no other reason than the fact that I was a Palestinian at
a time that Arafat endorsed Saddam. I grew desperate and dreaded the
possibility of facing the Israeli intelligence, Shin Bet, which was likely to
summon me to their offices once I crossed the border back to Gaza. The other
reason is that Hajah Zainab’s only son, Ahmad, had died fighting the Israelis
in Sinai.
Zainab’s
generation perceived Egypt’s wars with Israel, that of 1948, 1956 and 1967, as
wars in which Palestine was a central cause. No amount of self-serving politics
and media conditioning could have changed that. But the war of 1967 was that of
unmitigated defeat. With direct, massive support from the US and other western
powers, Arab armies were soundly beaten, routed at three different fronts.
Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank were lost, along with the Golan Heights,
the Jordan Valley and Sinai.
generation perceived Egypt’s wars with Israel, that of 1948, 1956 and 1967, as
wars in which Palestine was a central cause. No amount of self-serving politics
and media conditioning could have changed that. But the war of 1967 was that of
unmitigated defeat. With direct, massive support from the US and other western
powers, Arab armies were soundly beaten, routed at three different fronts.
Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank were lost, along with the Golan Heights,
the Jordan Valley and Sinai.
It was
then that some Arab countries’ relations with Palestine began changing.
Israel’s victory and the US/West’s unremitting support convinced some Arab
governments to downgrade their expectations, and they also expected the
Palestinians to do so, as well.
then that some Arab countries’ relations with Palestine began changing.
Israel’s victory and the US/West’s unremitting support convinced some Arab
governments to downgrade their expectations, and they also expected the
Palestinians to do so, as well.
Egypt,
once the torch-bearer of Arab nationalism, succumbed to a collective sense of
humiliation and, later, redefined its priorities to free its own land from
Israeli occupation. Without the pivotal Egyptian leadership, Arab countries
were divided into camps, each government with its own agenda. As Palestine —
all of it — was then under Israeli control, Arabs slowly walked away from what
they once perceived to be the central cause of the Arab nation.
once the torch-bearer of Arab nationalism, succumbed to a collective sense of
humiliation and, later, redefined its priorities to free its own land from
Israeli occupation. Without the pivotal Egyptian leadership, Arab countries
were divided into camps, each government with its own agenda. As Palestine —
all of it — was then under Israeli control, Arabs slowly walked away from what
they once perceived to be the central cause of the Arab nation.
Eventually,
Egypt fought and celebrated its piecemeal victory of the 1973 war, which
allowed it to consolidate its control over most of its lost territories. A few
years later, the Camp David accords in 1979 divided the ranks of the Arabs even
more, while granting the most populous Arab state a conditioned control over
its own land in Sinai. The negative repercussions of that agreement cannot be
overstated. However, the Egyptian people, despite the passing of time, have
never truly normalized relations with Israel.
Egypt fought and celebrated its piecemeal victory of the 1973 war, which
allowed it to consolidate its control over most of its lost territories. A few
years later, the Camp David accords in 1979 divided the ranks of the Arabs even
more, while granting the most populous Arab state a conditioned control over
its own land in Sinai. The negative repercussions of that agreement cannot be
overstated. However, the Egyptian people, despite the passing of time, have
never truly normalized relations with Israel.
Chasm
In
various Arab countries, a chasm still exists between the government, whose
behavior is based on political urgency and self-preservation, and a people who,
despite a decided anti-Palestinian campaign in various media, are ever
determined to reject normalization with Israel until Palestine is free.
various Arab countries, a chasm still exists between the government, whose
behavior is based on political urgency and self-preservation, and a people who,
despite a decided anti-Palestinian campaign in various media, are ever
determined to reject normalization with Israel until Palestine is free.
Unlike
the well-financed media circus that has demonized Gaza in recent years, the
likes of Hajah Zainab have very few platforms where they can openly express
their solidarity with the Palestinians. In my case, I was lucky enough to run
into the ageing custodian who cried for Palestine and her only son all those
years ago. Nevertheless, that very character, Zainab, was reincarnated in my
path of travel, time and again. I met her in Iraq in 1999. She was an old vegetable
vendor living in Iraq’s Sadr City. I met her in Jordan in 2003. She was a
cabbie, with a Palestinian flag hanging from his cracked rear-view mirror. She
was also a retired Saudi journalist I met in Jeddah in 2010, and a Moroccan
student I met at a speaking tour in Paris in 2013. After my talk, she sobbed as
she told me that Palestine for her people is like a festering wound.
the well-financed media circus that has demonized Gaza in recent years, the
likes of Hajah Zainab have very few platforms where they can openly express
their solidarity with the Palestinians. In my case, I was lucky enough to run
into the ageing custodian who cried for Palestine and her only son all those
years ago. Nevertheless, that very character, Zainab, was reincarnated in my
path of travel, time and again. I met her in Iraq in 1999. She was an old vegetable
vendor living in Iraq’s Sadr City. I met her in Jordan in 2003. She was a
cabbie, with a Palestinian flag hanging from his cracked rear-view mirror. She
was also a retired Saudi journalist I met in Jeddah in 2010, and a Moroccan
student I met at a speaking tour in Paris in 2013. After my talk, she sobbed as
she told me that Palestine for her people is like a festering wound.
So,
did the Arabs betray Palestine? The question is heard often, and it is often
followed with the affirmative, ‘Yes, they did.’ The demonizing of Gaza in some
Arab media, the targeting and starving of Palestinians in Yarmouk, Syria, the
past civil war in Lebanon, the mistreatment of Palestinians in Iraq in 2003 —
these are often cited as examples of this betrayal. Some insist that the ‘Arab
Spring’ was the last nail in the coffin of Arab solidarity with Palestine.
did the Arabs betray Palestine? The question is heard often, and it is often
followed with the affirmative, ‘Yes, they did.’ The demonizing of Gaza in some
Arab media, the targeting and starving of Palestinians in Yarmouk, Syria, the
past civil war in Lebanon, the mistreatment of Palestinians in Iraq in 2003 —
these are often cited as examples of this betrayal. Some insist that the ‘Arab
Spring’ was the last nail in the coffin of Arab solidarity with Palestine.
I beg
to differ. The outcome of the ill-fated ‘Arab Spring’ was a massive let-down,
if not betrayal, not just of Palestinians but of most Arabs. The Arab world has
turned into a massive ground for dirty politics between old and new rivals.
While Palestinians have been victimized, Syrians, Libyans, Yemenis and others
are being victimized, as well.
to differ. The outcome of the ill-fated ‘Arab Spring’ was a massive let-down,
if not betrayal, not just of Palestinians but of most Arabs. The Arab world has
turned into a massive ground for dirty politics between old and new rivals.
While Palestinians have been victimized, Syrians, Libyans, Yemenis and others
are being victimized, as well.
Most
likely, Hajah Zainab is long dead now. But millions more like her still exist
and they, too, long for a free Palestine, as they continue to seek their own
freedom and salvation.
likely, Hajah Zainab is long dead now. But millions more like her still exist
and they, too, long for a free Palestine, as they continue to seek their own
freedom and salvation.
-Dr Ramzy Baroud is
an internationally-syndicated columnist, media consultant, author of several
books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com.
an internationally-syndicated columnist, media consultant, author of several
books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com.
