Israel should be deeply disturbed by the Brexit vote
 |
| Tony Benn |
By Jonathan Cook, Mondoweiss, 25
June 2016.
June 2016.
The common wisdom, following Britain’s referendum
result announced on Friday, holds that the narrow vote in favor of leaving the
European Union – so-called Brexit – is evidence of a troubling return across
much of Europe to nationalism and isolationism. That wisdom is wrong, or at
least far too simplistic.
result announced on Friday, holds that the narrow vote in favor of leaving the
European Union – so-called Brexit – is evidence of a troubling return across
much of Europe to nationalism and isolationism. That wisdom is wrong, or at
least far too simplistic.
The outcome, which surprised many observers, attests
to the deeply flawed nature of the referendum campaign. That, in turn,
reflected a key failing of modern politics, not only in Britain but in most of
the developed world: the re-emergence of an unaccountable political class.
to the deeply flawed nature of the referendum campaign. That, in turn,
reflected a key failing of modern politics, not only in Britain but in most of
the developed world: the re-emergence of an unaccountable political class.
The most distinctive feature of the campaign was the
lack of an identifiable ideological battlefield. This was not about a clash of
worldviews, values or even arguments. Rather, it was a contest in who could
fearmonger most effectively.
lack of an identifiable ideological battlefield. This was not about a clash of
worldviews, values or even arguments. Rather, it was a contest in who could
fearmonger most effectively.
The Brexit leadership adopted the familiar “Little
Englander” pose: the EU’s weak border controls, the influx into the UK of East
Europeans driving down wages, and the threat of millions of refugees fleeing
crisis-zones like Syria were creating a toxic brew that emptied of all meaning
the UK’s status as a sceptred isle.
Englander” pose: the EU’s weak border controls, the influx into the UK of East
Europeans driving down wages, and the threat of millions of refugees fleeing
crisis-zones like Syria were creating a toxic brew that emptied of all meaning
the UK’s status as a sceptred isle.
The heads of the Remain camp traded in a different
kind of fear. Brexit would lead to the flight from the UK of capital and its
associated economic elite. Sterling’s collapse would bankrupt the country and
leave pensions worthless. Britain would stop being a player in the modern
global economy.
kind of fear. Brexit would lead to the flight from the UK of capital and its
associated economic elite. Sterling’s collapse would bankrupt the country and
leave pensions worthless. Britain would stop being a player in the modern
global economy.
In addition, those favoring the EU had another card up
their sleeve. They accused Brexit’s supporters of being racists and xenophobes
who preferred to blame immigrants than admit their own failings for their
economic misfortune.
their sleeve. They accused Brexit’s supporters of being racists and xenophobes
who preferred to blame immigrants than admit their own failings for their
economic misfortune.
Pandora’s box
Set out like this – and it is hard to over-estimate
how simplistically confrontational the arguments on both sides were – it is
easier to understand why the Brexit camp won.
how simplistically confrontational the arguments on both sides were – it is
easier to understand why the Brexit camp won.
The EU referendum opened up a Pandora’s box of
division rooted in class that many hoped had been closed in the post-war period
with the temporary advance of the welfare state and social democratic policies.
division rooted in class that many hoped had been closed in the post-war period
with the temporary advance of the welfare state and social democratic policies.
However inadvertently, the Remain leaders championed
the cause of a wealthy elite that included the bankers and hedge fund managers
who had until recently been publicly vilified for their role in the financial
crash of 2008.
the cause of a wealthy elite that included the bankers and hedge fund managers
who had until recently been publicly vilified for their role in the financial
crash of 2008.
That was a slap in the face both to the working class
and to much of the middle class who paid the price for the economic elite’s
reckless and self-serving profligacy and its subsequent demands for gargantuan
bail-outs.
and to much of the middle class who paid the price for the economic elite’s
reckless and self-serving profligacy and its subsequent demands for gargantuan
bail-outs.
Those favoring the EU – who typically suffered least
from the 2008 crash – only added insult to injury by labeling its victims as
“racists” for demanding reassurances that politicians would again serve them,
not an economic elite.
from the 2008 crash – only added insult to injury by labeling its victims as
“racists” for demanding reassurances that politicians would again serve them,
not an economic elite.
Economic pillage
There is an argument to be made that the EU is not
chiefly responsible for the economic problems faced by British workers. Since
the rise of Margaret Thatcher in the late 1970s, British figures from across
the political spectrum have grown deeply in thrall to a neoliberal agenda that
has clawed back hard-won workers’ rights.
chiefly responsible for the economic problems faced by British workers. Since
the rise of Margaret Thatcher in the late 1970s, British figures from across
the political spectrum have grown deeply in thrall to a neoliberal agenda that
has clawed back hard-won workers’ rights.
It is revealing that some of the super-rich –
including media moguls – lobbied for an exit. They clearly believe that,
outside the EU, they will be able to rape and pillage the British economy at
even greater speed, not constrained by EU regulations.
including media moguls – lobbied for an exit. They clearly believe that,
outside the EU, they will be able to rape and pillage the British economy at
even greater speed, not constrained by EU regulations.
Nonetheless, the EU has become the fall guy for
popular resentment at the neoliberal consensus – and not without good cause.
popular resentment at the neoliberal consensus – and not without good cause.
It is seen, correctly, as one of the key transnational
institutions facilitating the enrichment of a global elite. And it has become a
massive obstacle to member states reforming their economies along lines that do
not entail austerity, as the Greeks painfully discovered.
institutions facilitating the enrichment of a global elite. And it has become a
massive obstacle to member states reforming their economies along lines that do
not entail austerity, as the Greeks painfully discovered.
This is the deeper cause of the alienation experienced
by ordinary Brexiters. Unfortunately, however, no one in the leadership of
either the Leave or Remain camps seriously articulated that frustration and
anger or offered solutions that addressed such concerns. The Remainers
dismissively rejected the other side’s fears as manifestations of racism.
by ordinary Brexiters. Unfortunately, however, no one in the leadership of
either the Leave or Remain camps seriously articulated that frustration and
anger or offered solutions that addressed such concerns. The Remainers
dismissively rejected the other side’s fears as manifestations of racism.
This played straight into the hands of the Brexit
leadership, led by far-right figures in the Conservative party like Boris
Johnson and Michael Gove, as well as Nigel Farage of the Ukip party, Britain’s
unwholesome version of Sarah Palin.
leadership, led by far-right figures in the Conservative party like Boris
Johnson and Michael Gove, as well as Nigel Farage of the Ukip party, Britain’s
unwholesome version of Sarah Palin.
This millionaires’ club, of course, was not interested
in the troubles of Britain’s new precariat – a working class permanently stuck
in precarious economic straits. They only wanted their votes. Stoking fears
about migrants was the easiest way to get them – and deflect attention from the
fact that the millionaires were the real culprits behind ordinary people’s
immiseration.
in the troubles of Britain’s new precariat – a working class permanently stuck
in precarious economic straits. They only wanted their votes. Stoking fears
about migrants was the easiest way to get them – and deflect attention from the
fact that the millionaires were the real culprits behind ordinary people’s
immiseration.
No love for EU
Support for Brexit was further strengthened by the
lackluster performance of the heads of the Remain camp. The truth is that the
two main party leaders, who were invested with the task of defending the EU,
were barely persuaded of the merits of their own cause.
lackluster performance of the heads of the Remain camp. The truth is that the
two main party leaders, who were invested with the task of defending the EU,
were barely persuaded of the merits of their own cause.
Prime minister David Cameron is a long-time
Euro-sceptic who privately shares much of
the distrust of the EU espoused by Johnson and Gove.
Euro-sceptic who privately shares much of
the distrust of the EU espoused by Johnson and Gove.
And the recently elected leader of the Labour
opposition, Jeremy Corbyn, is no lover of the EU either, though for reasons
very different from the right’s.
opposition, Jeremy Corbyn, is no lover of the EU either, though for reasons
very different from the right’s.
Corbyn is part of Labour’s old guard – relics of a
democratic socialist wing of the post-war Labour party that was mostly purged
under Tony Blair’s leadership. Labour under Blair became a lite version of the
Conservative party.
democratic socialist wing of the post-war Labour party that was mostly purged
under Tony Blair’s leadership. Labour under Blair became a lite version of the
Conservative party.
And here we reach the crux of the problem with the
referendum campaign.
referendum campaign.
There was a strong and responsible leftwing case for
Brexit, based on social democratic and internationalist principles, that Corbyn
was too afraid to espouse in public, fearing that it would tear apart his
party. That opened the field to the rightwing Brexit leadership and their ugly
fearmongering.
Brexit, based on social democratic and internationalist principles, that Corbyn
was too afraid to espouse in public, fearing that it would tear apart his
party. That opened the field to the rightwing Brexit leadership and their ugly
fearmongering.
Left’s case for Brexit
The left’s case against the EU was frequently
articulated by Tony Benn, a Labour minister in the 1960s and 1970s. At an
Oxford Union debate in 2013, a year before he died, Bennobserved: “The way that
Europe has developed is that the bankers and multi-national corporations have
got very powerful positions and, if you come in on their terms, they will tell
you what you can and can’t do – and that is unacceptable.
articulated by Tony Benn, a Labour minister in the 1960s and 1970s. At an
Oxford Union debate in 2013, a year before he died, Bennobserved: “The way that
Europe has developed is that the bankers and multi-national corporations have
got very powerful positions and, if you come in on their terms, they will tell
you what you can and can’t do – and that is unacceptable.
“My view about the European Union has always been, not
that I am hostile to foreigners but that I’m in favor of democracy. … I think
they are building an empire there.”
that I am hostile to foreigners but that I’m in favor of democracy. … I think
they are building an empire there.”
Nearly 40 years earlier, in 1975, during a similar
referendum on leaving what was then called the EEC, Benn pointed out that
what was at stake was Britain’s parliamentary democracy. It alone “offered us
the prospect of peaceful change; reduced the risk of civil strife; and bound us
together by creating a national framework of consent for all the laws under
which we were governed.”
referendum on leaving what was then called the EEC, Benn pointed out that
what was at stake was Britain’s parliamentary democracy. It alone “offered us
the prospect of peaceful change; reduced the risk of civil strife; and bound us
together by creating a national framework of consent for all the laws under
which we were governed.”
His warning about “civil strife” now sounds eerily
prophetic: the referendum campaign descended into the ugliest public political
feuding in living memory.
prophetic: the referendum campaign descended into the ugliest public political
feuding in living memory.
For Bennites and the progressive left,
internationalism is a vital component of the collective struggle for the rights
of workers and the poor. The stronger workers are everywhere, they less easily
they can be exploited by the rich through divide-and-rule policies.
internationalism is a vital component of the collective struggle for the rights
of workers and the poor. The stronger workers are everywhere, they less easily
they can be exploited by the rich through divide-and-rule policies.
Globalisation, on the other hand, is premised on a
different and very narrow kind of internationalism: one that protects the
rights of the super-rich to drive down wages and workers’ rights by demanding
the free movement of labor, while giving this economic elite the freedom to
hide away their own profits in remote tax-havens.
different and very narrow kind of internationalism: one that protects the
rights of the super-rich to drive down wages and workers’ rights by demanding
the free movement of labor, while giving this economic elite the freedom to
hide away their own profits in remote tax-havens.
Globalisation, in other words, switched the
battlefield of the class struggle from the nation state to the whole globe. It
allowed the trans-national economic elite to stride the world taking advantage
of every loophole they could find in the weakest nations’ laws and forcing
other nations to follow suit. Meanwhile, the working and middle classes found
themselves defenseless, largely trapped in their national and regional
ghettoes, and turned against each other in a global free market.
battlefield of the class struggle from the nation state to the whole globe. It
allowed the trans-national economic elite to stride the world taking advantage
of every loophole they could find in the weakest nations’ laws and forcing
other nations to follow suit. Meanwhile, the working and middle classes found
themselves defenseless, largely trapped in their national and regional
ghettoes, and turned against each other in a global free market.
Corbyn played safe
Corbyn could not say any of this because the Labour
parliamentary party is still stuffed with Blairites who fervently support the
EU and are desperate to oust him. Had he come out for Brexit, they would have
had the perfect excuse to launch a coup. (Now, paradoxically, the Blairites
have found a pretext to
stab him in the back over the Remain camp’s failure.)
parliamentary party is still stuffed with Blairites who fervently support the
EU and are desperate to oust him. Had he come out for Brexit, they would have
had the perfect excuse to launch a coup. (Now, paradoxically, the Blairites
have found a pretext to
stab him in the back over the Remain camp’s failure.)
Instead Corbyn headed for what he thought would be the
safe, middle ground: the UK must stay in the EU but try to reform it from
within.
safe, middle ground: the UK must stay in the EU but try to reform it from
within.
That was a doubly tragic mistake.
First, it meant there was no prominent figure making a
progressive case for Brexit. Many ordinary voters know deep in their hearts
that there is something profoundly wrong with the neoliberal consensus and
global economic order, but it has been left to the far-right to offer them a
lens through which to interpret their lived experience. By stepping aside,
Corbyn and the real left allowed Johnson and Farage to forge the little
Englander case for Brexit unchallenged.
progressive case for Brexit. Many ordinary voters know deep in their hearts
that there is something profoundly wrong with the neoliberal consensus and
global economic order, but it has been left to the far-right to offer them a
lens through which to interpret their lived experience. By stepping aside,
Corbyn and the real left allowed Johnson and Farage to forge the little
Englander case for Brexit unchallenged.
Second, voters are ever more distrustful of
politicians. Cameron and Corbyn’s failure to be candid about their views on
Europe only underscored the reasons to assume the worst about the political
class. In a choice between the uncomfortable and perfunctory posturing of the
Remain leaders and the passionate conviction of Johnson and Farage, people
preferred fervor.
politicians. Cameron and Corbyn’s failure to be candid about their views on
Europe only underscored the reasons to assume the worst about the political
class. In a choice between the uncomfortable and perfunctory posturing of the
Remain leaders and the passionate conviction of Johnson and Farage, people
preferred fervor.
Compromised politics
This is a much wider phenomenon. Corbyn’s appeasement
of the Blairites is another example of the deeply tainted, lesser-evilism
politics that requires Bernie
Sanders to tell his supporters to vote for Hillary Clinton, warmonger-in-chief
to the military-industrial complex, to stop a loud-mouth billionaire thug,
Donald Trump.
of the Blairites is another example of the deeply tainted, lesser-evilism
politics that requires Bernie
Sanders to tell his supporters to vote for Hillary Clinton, warmonger-in-chief
to the military-industrial complex, to stop a loud-mouth billionaire thug,
Donald Trump.
Increasingly, people are sick of these endless
compromises that perpetuate and intensify, rather than end, inequality and
injustice. They simply don’t know what levers are left to them to change the
ugly reality in front of them.
compromises that perpetuate and intensify, rather than end, inequality and
injustice. They simply don’t know what levers are left to them to change the
ugly reality in front of them.
The result is an increasingly febrile and polarised
politics. Outcomes are much less certain, whether it is Corbyn becoming Labour
leader, Sanders chasing Clinton all the way to the Democratic convention, or
Trump being on the cusp of becoming US president.
politics. Outcomes are much less certain, whether it is Corbyn becoming Labour
leader, Sanders chasing Clinton all the way to the Democratic convention, or
Trump being on the cusp of becoming US president.
The old order is breaking down because it is so
thoroughly discredited, and those who run it – a political and economic elite –
are distrusted and despised like never before. The EU is very much part of the
old order.
thoroughly discredited, and those who run it – a political and economic elite –
are distrusted and despised like never before. The EU is very much part of the
old order.
There is a genuine question whether, outside the EU,
the UK can be repaired. Its first-past-the-post electoral system is so
unrepresentative, it is unclear whether, even if a majority of the public voted
for a new kind of politics, it could actually secure a majority of MPs.
the UK can be repaired. Its first-past-the-post electoral system is so
unrepresentative, it is unclear whether, even if a majority of the public voted
for a new kind of politics, it could actually secure a majority of MPs.
But what is clear to most voters is that inside the EU
it will be even harder to fix the UK. The union simply adds another layer of
unaccountable bureaucrats and lobbyists in thrall to faceless billionaires,
further distancing ordinary people from the centers of power.
it will be even harder to fix the UK. The union simply adds another layer of
unaccountable bureaucrats and lobbyists in thrall to faceless billionaires,
further distancing ordinary people from the centers of power.
Disturbing trend for Israel
Finally, it is worth noting that the trends
underpinning the Brexit vote should disturb Israeli prime minister Benjamin
Netanyahu, just as they already are troubling the political class in Europe and
the US.
underpinning the Brexit vote should disturb Israeli prime minister Benjamin
Netanyahu, just as they already are troubling the political class in Europe and
the US.
Like the EU, Israel too is vital pillar of the old
global order. A “Jewish homeland” emerged under British protection while Britain
still ran an empire and saw the Middle East as its playground.
global order. A “Jewish homeland” emerged under British protection while Britain
still ran an empire and saw the Middle East as its playground.
After the European colonial powers went into abeyance
following the Second World War, the role of patron shifted to the new global
hegemon in Washington. The US has endlessly indulged Israel, guarded its back
at the United Nations, and heavily subsidised Israel’s powerful military
industries.
following the Second World War, the role of patron shifted to the new global
hegemon in Washington. The US has endlessly indulged Israel, guarded its back
at the United Nations, and heavily subsidised Israel’s powerful military
industries.
Whereas the US has propped up Israel diplomatically
and militarily, the EU has underwritten Israel’s economic success. It has
violated its own constitution to give Israel special trading status and thereby
turned Europe into Israel’s largest export market. It has taken decades for
Europe to even acknowledge – let alone remedy – the problem that it is also
trading with illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank.
and militarily, the EU has underwritten Israel’s economic success. It has
violated its own constitution to give Israel special trading status and thereby
turned Europe into Israel’s largest export market. It has taken decades for
Europe to even acknowledge – let alone remedy – the problem that it is also
trading with illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank.
If the EU starts to unravel, and US neoliberal
hegemony weakens, Israel will be in trouble. It will be in desperate need of a
new guarantor, one prepared to support a country that polls repeatedly show is
mistrusted around the world.
hegemony weakens, Israel will be in trouble. It will be in desperate need of a
new guarantor, one prepared to support a country that polls repeatedly show is
mistrusted around the world.
But more immediately, Israel ought to fear the new
climate of polarised, unpredictable politics that is becoming the norm.
climate of polarised, unpredictable politics that is becoming the norm.
In the US, in particular, a cross-party consensus
about Israel is gradually breaking down. Concerns about local national
interests – of the kind that exercised the Brexiters – are gaining
traction in the US too, as illustrated last year by the fallout over Israel’s
stand-off with the White House over its Iran agreement.
about Israel is gradually breaking down. Concerns about local national
interests – of the kind that exercised the Brexiters – are gaining
traction in the US too, as illustrated last year by the fallout over Israel’s
stand-off with the White House over its Iran agreement.
Distrust of the political class is growing by the day,
and Israel is an issue on which US politicians are supremely vulnerable. It is
increasingly hard to defend Congress’ historic rock-solid support for Israel as
truly in American interests.
and Israel is an issue on which US politicians are supremely vulnerable. It is
increasingly hard to defend Congress’ historic rock-solid support for Israel as
truly in American interests.
In a world of diminishing resources, where the middle
class is forever being required to belt-tighten, questions about why the US is
planning to dramatically increase its aid to
Israel – one of the few economies that has done well since the 2008 crash – are
likely to prove ever-more discomfiting.
class is forever being required to belt-tighten, questions about why the US is
planning to dramatically increase its aid to
Israel – one of the few economies that has done well since the 2008 crash – are
likely to prove ever-more discomfiting.
In the long term, none of this bodes well for Israel.
Brexit is simply the warning siren.
Brexit is simply the warning siren.
